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cumstances conformed to the spirit they | of the British soldier. The line formation evoked, the amount of active enthusiasm was retained; in it we met and overthrew they aroused. The rigid forms, mechan- the heavy columns adopted by revolutionical drill, and mathematical counter-ary France, and subsequently perfected marches which accorded with the stern by Napoleon. The British line was, it spirit of discipline and the severe punish- may be said, the natural expression of the ments of Frederick's military system, fighting force of a nation that loved order were opposed to the genius of the truly and hated anarchy; loving order as friendly national armies which the Revolution to freedom, and hating anarchy as the brought forth. The cohesive power was symbol and sure precursor of tyranny. no longer the mercenary's dread of punishment; it was the feeling of liberty added to national pride. Greater freedom of movement was exercised by the individual soldier at first perhaps the result of democratic inspiration than had been allowed him in the old royal army of France. This seems to have brought with it the great advantage of increased rapidity in movements. But the essential element of Napoleon's power lay in his realization of the value of the moral force in war, and the able manner in which he adapted his forms and system of war to suit them. The one nation which alone successfully resisted him from first to last, both on land and sea, was the one nation which, without any bloody revolution or upheaval of constituted authority, had long enjoyed the liberty the French Revolution aimed at. In England national life was free and active and daring. Nelson, even more than Wellington, represented the patriotic passion of the country. It is curiously characteristic of the English ideas of liberty then, that our great sailor, the son of a poor Norfolk clergyman, should have regarded the French revolutionists as criminals against whom the utmost rigor of devastating war should be waged as a national and a sacred duty.

How different were the feelings which actuated Wellington's soldiers from those which moved Napoleon's! There, beneath a stern sense of duty, lay a deep and sincere patriotism, a love of country, and, rightly or wrongly, an undisguised contempt for all foreign nations. They loved their own freedom and their own free constitution, but no extravagant notions about universal liberty and equality caused them to forget the loyalty they owed to king and country in any clap-trap sentimentality about the rights of man. The characteristics of Wellington's tactics fitted well to the middle place which was occupied by the English people amid the violent extremes of the time. The forms and modes of those tactics, though essentially based upon the Prussian system of Frederick II., were cleverly adapted by Sir John Moore to the genius and fighting instincts

Both the revolutionary epoch and the rule of Napoleon passed away. But the effect of Napoleon's attacks had developed in Prussia after Jena that national army which must be regarded as the true outcome and realization of the revolutionary spirit. The actual forms, it is true, which the genius of Gneisenau and of Scharnhorst created in order to outwit their great French conqueror having served their turn, crumbled into inefficiency in the sure decay of long years of peace. So much was this the case that in 1850, when the king of Prussia endeavored to collect an army to enable him to resist the dictation of Austria, the instrument broke like a rotten reed in his hand, and he was compelled to submit to an ignominious surrender. Similarly, in 1859, the unreformed organization failed absolutely. But the intense longing for national unity in Germany now came to perfect the instrument which the French Revolution may be said to have forged. Germany had borrowed the idea of universal conscription, a national army, from revolutionary France. The German desire of unity had now to make the national army the finest instrument of warfare that had ever been known. Great changes in the distribution of power between nations can no more be made with rose-water than can revolutions. I have no disposition to question or criticise the methods by which the result was secured. The fact remains that the splendid German army of to-day, the most essentially national of all armies, owes its effective power to this fact, namely, that whilst its inspiring force lies in the national resolution to maintain Germany intact, that force has been directed, disciplined, and ordered by great statesmen and by able soldiers. The actual personal sacrifices of time, comfort, and wealth, about which the revolutionists of 1848-49 could talk so glibly and so eloquently, have been translated into hard fact and actual work in the barrack-yards and manoeuvring-fields of the greatest army of to-day. It remains for the future to tell us whether the sense of national humiliation, the result of crushing defeat

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in the field, and the desire to see the tricolor restored to its former position in the world, have been similarly translated into those trying personal sacrifices which can alone yield the result pointed at by the patriotic enthusiasm of the nation which is now celebrating the centenary of the first outburst of its revolutionary fire.

The military legacy bequeathed by the first French Revolution to all the great nations of Europe, is the present system of universal service. Its drawbacks are well known. They are the frequent subject of schoolboys' themes, the topics of debating societies, and the delight of the after-dinner orator. It is easy to persuade ourselves that anything which can cause us inconvenience, or that may tend to retard our acquisition of wealth, is not only wrong, but foolish. In dwelling upon its personal inconveniences we are apt to ignore the benefits it confers upon the nation. What does it do for the working man and the laborer? That is a question of more importance to the nation than its effects upon the merchant or the professional man. It must be admitted that it supplies to the men of a nation a perfect system of physical training. It brings with it a love of order, cleanliness, and neatness, as well as physical health. By the obedience and the discipline it enforces, and the self-reliance it inculcates, it affords a splendid moral education that could with difficulty be furnished, nationally, in any other way. Furthermore, the army of Germany, for example, is, as it were, the skeleton of German social life, where every class is represented, duly labelled, and its function ticketed. The highest classes are largely represented in the army, as all its officers are drawn from them. In this way, the rude peasant and ignorant shop-boy carry with them from the army into civil life an appreciation of the purpose and value of a hierarchy. They see the highest in the land working hard in barracks for a pittance that many tradesmen would despise, and so they come to understand that position has its onerous duties as well as its advantages. They learn the worth of wise direction and the necessity of subordination; they see that the work is to the doer, and that honor and position are the rewards of merit. Standing in the ranks shoulder to shoulder with the " one-year volunteer," they perceive that the privilege he enjoys means extra hard work. They see how this volunteer of superior education learns in twelve months what the ordinary soldier takes about thirty to acquire, and

they cannot fail to be struck with the earnestness with which the man of superior social position sets about his task. Each grade in this great military machine has its allotted functions, and every individual in it is taught subordination to, and respect for, those above him. There are no mouthings about that "equality" which ruined the early armies of the French Revolution. In Germany the recruit learns respect for others, and also those sound moral principles upon which alone a healthy discipline can be built up, and thus it is that the German army becomes the surest bulwark of defence against the communistic leanings of the German artisan. Is it not true that this army, constructed for war purposes, is after all the most efficacious of national schools that has ever been possessed by any people? How different must be the views and aims of life, the pride of nation and love of country in a people so educated, from the feelings entertained in those countries where the moral and physical education of the masses is neglected or left to chance!

The French Revolution had a great and immediate influence upon the conduct of war. The old stiff and out-of-date ma noeuvres gave place to rapidity of movement. It proved that armies of mercenaries, no matter how well drilled, were feeble instruments when compared with national armies, imbued with all the fire and enthusiasm which love of country and pride of race can alone supply. It taught the world that if an army is to be strong and healthy, promotion and command must be the reward of merit and ability. It imparted many useful lessons to nations as well as to despots. But in this year of grace, the outcome of all it taught is, that whilst republicanism is at a discount in Europe, the army and the nation have come to be synonymous terms in all the great European States. As in the first efforts of the National Convention to make war, so now it is the nation, and not some mere standing army, that marches to the front. Then, the French masses which flocked to the frontiers in arms were undrilled in their use, ignorant of what discipline meant, and, as a people, wholly uneducated. Now, when the European nation embarks in war, its whole manhood falls into the ranks, each individual in his allotted place, and well acquainted with the particular duty he has to perform. It is essentially the people's army; a great democracy, in each unit of which you will find every social class and every gradation of intellect represented in

their due proportion, all well disciplined | are required to live for six weeks or so in in mind and well instructed in the use of the barracks with the common soldiers, arms. This is the present effect of the but after this period, in which they are French Revolution upon the military in- supposed to have learned the routine of stitutions of the great European nations. barrack life, they are allowed to take priIt is considerable, but yet small when vate lodgings, and so relieved from a comcompared with the educational results panionship which is distasteful to them. which those military institutions have al- In France the volunteer is compelled to ready achieved in Germany, and are cer- pass his year in the chambrée, side by tainly bringing about in all those nations side with the peasant or working man, which have followed Germany's example. whom he not infrequently subsidizes and I take the German army as the highest turns into a servant. existing type of the military system and organization which the changes effected in armies by the French Revolution have led up to; and much as I admire that army as a soldier, I admire it still more as a citizen. Great as it is for war, it is infinitely greater as a national school for the moral, mental, and physical training of the people. Designed exclusively for war, it has become the most important of peace institutions. In it all Germans are trained to strength, and taught the first principles of personal cleanliness and of health. There they learn to be honest and manly, and are taught the excellence of those virtues which serve to make men good subjects and law-abiding citizens. It is the school of the nation, in which deep love of fatherland is fostered and cherished, and where all classes learn that there is honor in obedience and nobility in self-sacrifice.

The principle that merit should be adequately rewarded, which according to Carlyle was the unconscious desire of the French Revolution, is realized almost perfectly in the German army of to-day. The German non-commissioned officer after serving twelve years with the colors, knows that he will be offered civil employment on the railways, or in the police or the customs forces, and that this civil post will be one higher in honor, and generally with better pay attached to it, than he would have been at all likely to reach in the open competition of life. And so he devotes himself to his duties when in the army with an ardor elsewhere unknown. It is a common complaint in France, on the other hand, that their noncommissioned officers are not as good as they might be; and that they are not extremely energetic may, perhaps, be in. ferred from the fact that their energy is not afterwards rewarded by an assured and high place in civil life. Furthermore, it is said that the gentlemen volunteers of one year are not the source of strength they should be to the French army. In Germany these young gentlemen, we hear,

In France the spirit of equality seems here to be pushed a little too far, and we are informed the result is that the gentleman volunteer becomes discontented, while the private soldier is not benefited. But however real these causes of complaint may be, it can scarcely be denied that in Germany, and in France also, the army is the great training-school of the nation in virtues which cannot be too highly esteemed. And this school, with all its many good consequences, is the direct result of the French Revolution, and, perchance, its most valuable result. Why it should be sneered at and condemned by some Englishmen I am at a loss to understand. But perhaps its value may yet come to be truly appreciated in Great Britain, whose splendid volunteer army is a proof that our youths, too, appreciate the advantages of being trained physically and morally; although, alas! the volunteers are drawn from classes who do not need this training nearly as much as do our workmen and agricultural laborers. It seems to me that the lessons of the French Revolution are sure to realize themselves in Great Britain in the process of time, but, perhaps, this lesson will only be learned under the pressure of necessity. WOLSELEY,

From The Cornhill Magazine. IN A CLEFT STICK.

A LONELY hamlet in the depths of a Moravian pine forest. It consists of but five low cottages, built of rough stones and thatched with straw. For light the peasants burn pine logs upon the hearth. The flickering gleam of their red flames shines through the small windows, and is lost in the gloom of the forest. The summer night is dark with clouds, and the moon has not yet risen. The wind soughs softly over the tops of the pines, otherwise all around reigns the completest stillness.

In a small room in one of the cottages,

five men sit round a rough table, playing cards by the light of the pine logs, and smoking short wooden pipes. They are, all of them, of middle age, between forty and fifty, browned with the sun and the wind. Their beardless faces are covered with wrinkles, and their bristling hair is cut short. They wear roughly knitted, home-made jerseys, and are bare-footed.

In a corner of the room, a woman sits on a wide bed, rocking with her foot a cradle in which a baby is asleep. Two bigger children sleep on the bed behind her. The woman has a rosary in her hands and is telling her beads. The men do not speak, except when the game requires it. They are playing for marks only, which they make with a piece of chalk upon the table. The monotonous amusement lasts an hour or two. Meanwhile the woman has laid herself down on the bed, and gone to sleep.

At length the old, smoke-stained wooden clock strikes eleven with a dull sound, resembling that of a cracked glass. As if at a word of command, the men rise at once from the bench, and shuffle softly from the room.

The last of them, a man of middle height, who limps on one foot, carefully puts out the fire. This is the owner of the cottage, Skokan.

Outside, his companions waited in the yard. One of them had in his hands four rods, each about three yards long, bent in the form of a bow, and a pole. All wore something fastened at their sides, which looked like a bag. When Skokan had taken from under the eaves a little, roundish bundle of rods, and another long pole, he also fastened a bag at his side. That done, he whistled to a small dog to come out of his kennel, and then they all left the yard together, Skokan closing the gate carefully, so that the dog should not get out.

Leaving the road at once, they entered under the dark vault of the branches of the great pine-trees. Not a word was spoken amongst them. For half an hour they passed on, following Skokan, sometimes through the thick woods, sometimes through new plantations, where the branches of the young trees beat roughly against their faces. At last they came to a little brook that wound its way through the thickets. There Skokan stopped.

"Mates," he said in a low voice, "we will stop here and rest, so that we shall not go heated into the water."

They all sat down on the spongy moss, unable to see one another in the dark.

"Listen, mates," went on Skokan, "I have heard a report. You know, mates, that we have worked together these twelve years, and up to now they have never caught any of us. But yesterday evening I heard something."

"What then?" asked two voices. The third man was silent.

"You know Frantishka, who was my wife's friend, is in service with the bailiff."

"Ay, what then?" assented again the two voices.

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'Yesterday my wife went with her to vespers, and Frantishka told her that they say we ought to keep an eye on you, Zinka. They say that yesterday morning you were talking for a long time with the bailiff and the forester at the office."

The man who had hitherto kept silence, answered quickly, "I went to the office to pay the rent."

"But Frantishka says that you were there a long time."

"Skokan, you are not fooled by a wom an's chatter," answered the man who was addressed. "All these years we have worked together you have never doubted me. The forester was there only by chance."

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Well, mate, I did think it was just woman's chatter," agreed Skokan. "I don't believe it." "Nor I," said the other two.

"I have only told you, mates, that there was something said," replied Skokan easily. "Now we are cool let us go down to the mere. We can jump the stream easily just below here.'

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The men were poachers, and to-night were going to catch carp in one of the count's meres. They had been thither often enough before, they and the other villagers too. For they all poached — in winter game, and in the summer carp; stealing out at night, when the moon rose late, from their quiet cottages in the lonely woods; to return at dawn, soaking wet, and numbed with cold; bent sometimes with the weight of the carp in the bags on their backs, and sometimes with the pain of a gunshot; and sometimes leaving behind them on the forest paths drops of blood to mark their steps. Now and again a man never came home at all.

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Many of them had no occasion to poach. They could live well enough on the prod uce of their fields and meadows. But the poaching was a passion with them. them all, the most daring and the most experienced was the limping Skokan. What a number of carp that man had taken

home from the count's fishponds for his children to eat! His wife also secretly took the fish round for sale. The neighboring country priests bought them for Fridays, the schoolmasters, and sometimes the gentlefolks in the neighboring towns. By means of this trade with the count's carp, Skokan and his companions were piling up a nice little heap of florins. The highest ambition of the count's gamekeepers was to catch Skokan in the act. But all their ingenuity had been hitherto in vain. He always got away.

off. You will not see him, Zinka, for fourteen years- perhaps never again."

The bailiff's threat struck Zinka dumb. "Now, if you will tell us," continued the bailiff, "when and where that old rogue goes poaching, and we catch him, I will get your son off from the conscription forever."

Zinka and his wife had no child except Tomash. Dearly they loved him, and often they talked to each other how they would give him a cottage, and marry him, and reckoned up whether they had put by money enough. Already they had their eyes on several peasants' smart young daughters who would do for him. But the conscription! Fourteen years in the army!

The poachers rose, and groped through the dark to the edge of the stream. They knew the place well. Three of them had already jumped the brook. Only Zinka remained. Then he jumped too, but, alighting on his right foot, gave a sudden shriek of pain. The same instant he checked himself, and was silent, "What's happened, Zinka?" asked Sko-revenge that the bailiff would get Tomash kan quickly.

"I jumped on the stump of a tree, and have hurt my foot."

In fact, he had jumped barefooted on the stump of a young pine, which had been sawn half through, and broken off. A sharp splinter stood up like a finger, and had pierced the sole of his foot.

"It pains me fearfully," moaned Zinka. One of the poachers tore off a strip, about four inches wide, from the edge of his bag, and gave it to Zinka, who bound his wound with it, and, having picked up his rods, limped after his mates.

"My wound will get washed in the water, and after a few days it will be quite well," he comforted himself, bearing the keen pain with the quiet philosophy of a rough nature, not a little assisted by the fact that he had something heavier than the pain weighing upon his mind. Already he had set down his wound as a judgment come upon him for the treachery of which he had been guilty against his mates. For he was leading his friends, with whom he had poached ever since he was a lad, and more particularly his old, faithful, true mate Skokan, into a trap which the count's gamekeepers had set.

Only the day before, the count's bailiff had sent for him to come to the office, and there had said to him dryly and shortly, "Zinka, all the world knows that you poach with Skokan. Now, if you will not tell us when and where Skokan goes for the fish, so that we can take him in the act, understand this-the time is coming round for the conscription. Your only son will have to stand, and we will have him enlisted, without any chance of his getting

Zinka knew very well that he had been for some time in evil odor with the bailiff for his poaching, and that it was out of

enlisted. Well, he could save Tomash. But he must betray his old and faithful mate. To steal carp out of the count's mere -in that Zinka saw no harm at all. But to betray his mate, who helped him to steal the carp, that seemed to Zinka the vilest baseness and degradation.

The conflict in the poacher's soul was fierce. Against his friendship for Skokan, his instincts of a father battled hard, telling him that his first duty was to his own flesh and blood. But for all that he hesitated. The bailiff saw it, and began to describe to him the hardships and miseries of the fourteen years' military ser vice. "For the smallest neglect," said the bailiff, "a soldier has to run the gauntlet, to be wounded with swords in the sides and the back, until his steps are printed in blood!" And of course the soldier might come home a cripple, with only one foot, or without a hand.

"Your honor," broke in the voice of poor, terrified Zinka, "the Lord's will must be done! This is a mean, shameful deed. I know it. But I will do this to save my son. It would be the death of his mother, if they took him away.'

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The bailiff smiled quietly, patted the poacher on the shoulder, and said, "You are a good and worthy tenant of his lordship's to give information against those people who rob him. Now, tell me, when and where will Skokan be going for the fish?"

"Your honor, to-morrow at midnight we are going down to the big mere," replied the poacher in a trembling voice.

He felt as if, at that moment, his heart was being crushed in a vice.

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