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the head of the new government, the emigrants ought to have created no further intereft, except from their misfortunes; and it was eafy to judge that their pretenfions and movements, in affording hopes to fome and uneafiness to others, would produce troubles in the kingdom, and would perhaps communicate thofe troubles to a large part of Europe. Hence the document of the 21ft December, which feemed to announce an intention of protecting them, produced a kind of explofion, and gave rife to fo many fufpicions and reproaches. And upon whom was all this to fall? Upon the King; because malevolence endeavoured to inculcate a belief" that there exifts between the Emperor and the King a perfect intimacy; that all their meafures are concerted; and that it is thus the King, who protects the emigrants, directs the coalition of all the powers of Europe." It would therefore be a great means of calming mens minds, and re-eftablishing order and tranquillity in the kingdom, if a stop were put to thefe fcandalous affociations of emigrants, who, without titles or territories, endeavour to elevate themfelves to power, thinking only to revenge their private injuries, and to make good their perfonal pretenfions.

It appears, Sir, that one of the things which has moft difpleafed the Auftrian minifter, is the licence of fpeech and writing; and that he pretends that a government, in which fuch exceffes are tolerated, is in itfelf intolerable. Upon this fubject we have laid down wife principles, and eftablished Juft laws. But it ought to be confidered, that our organization is only in its infan

cy; that the refources of our new government are not yet in poffeffion of all their energy; and that, in the midft of difquietude, occafioned partly by foreign powers, it is impoffible that the laws fhould exercise all their dominion in the interior of the kingdom. Let them cease to difquiet us, to threaten us, and to furnish pretexts to those who only wish to produce diforder, and order will foon be established. This de luge of libels, with which we have been fo completely inundated, has already diminished, and continues daily to diminish. Indifference and contempt are the arms with which this affliction ought to be encountered. Ought all Europe to be irri tated against the French nation, because it conceals in its bofom fome declaimers and pamphleteers; and would they do them the honour of anfwering them from the mouth of their cannon? Moreover, if it were poffible that a miferable caufe like this fhould draw all the powers of Europe into a war, this war, whatever might be the event, would not deftroy the object against which it was undertaken. It would, on the contrary, add to its strength and activity.

I have juft, Sir, pronounced an important word: a word which occupies every perfon's mind; a word which gives uneafinefs to fome, and is the defire of others. This word is War. You will eafily believe that the King is at the head of those who oppofe it. His excellent mind, acting in concert with his heart, revolts at the idea. I regard it, even if it fhould be fortunate, as a calamity to the kingdom, and a fcourge to humanity. In the mean time I can affure you, that the King has been very fenfibly affected by the

document

document of the 21ft of December. Every intelligence that has been fince received, either from Bruffels or Coblentz, has confirmed the real difpofition of the Emperor; and his Majefty, defiring that the National Affembly fhould partake in this fentiment, has required me to communicate fucceffively every thing that could tend to this end. But the order given fo abruptly to Marfhal Bender; the apparent intention of fuccouring the Elector of Treves, at the very time that this prince observed the most hoftile conduct towards us; the annunciation of a combination unknown to us between the powers of Europe; the tone and temper of the official document, have made an impreffion which the wifeft could not avoid receiving, and which the King has not been able to efface.

I return to that effential object, the war. Is it for the Emperor's intereft to fuffer himself to be drawn into this fatal measure? I will allow, for the fake of argument, that the mcft favourable events may attend his armies ;-what then will be the confequence? The Emperor will leave off, by being more embarraffed by fuccefs than he would have been by difafters; and the only fruit which he will gather from this war, will be the fad advantage of having deftroyed his ally, and of having encreafed the power of his enemies and his rivals.

I think, then, from inconteftable evidence, that peace is as neceffàry to the Emperor as to France; I think that it is prudent for him to preterve an alliance, which cannot hereafter produce any inconvenience to him, and which may be beneficial; I think that, inftead of taking part in meafures which VOL. XXXIV.

might tend to overthrow the king-, dom, he ought, on the contrary, to defire the prefervation of its power. and profperity.

You ought, Sir, to demand explanations on three points. 1ft. Upon the document of the 21ft December. 2d. Upon the Emperor's interppfition in our internal affairs. 3d. Upon the meaning of that expreffion," the fovereigns combined for the fafety and honour of crowns." Each of thefe explanations, demanded from his juftice, may be given with that dignity which accords with his perfon and power.

One circumftance will perhaps embarrass the imperial court in that explanation, which I will fuppofe it may be inclined to give: this is, the affair of the princes having poffeffions in Alface and Lorraine, in which the Emperor may think himfelf obliged to interpofe as chief of the empire. Ifhall first however obferve, that this is a feparate tranfaction, and ought to be treated in a way different from that which is the object of the prefent difcuffion. I fhall add, that the decree of the 14th allows this negotiation a greater degree of latitude than it has hitherto poffeffed; for, except every thing which might tend to reestablish the feudal rights on the territories of France, a measure which was and will always be impoffible, every thing elfe is permitted; and the King will certainly never refuse any reafonable arrangement. I believe that I may hope that the National Affembly will be difpofed to adopt the propofition of his Majefty on this fubject.—In a word, Sir, I exprefs to you the with of the King, that of his council, and I hefitate not in faving that of the found part of the nation :-We wish for

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peace. We ask that a period fhould be put to this expenfive ftate of war into which we have been drawn; we demand a return to a ftate of peace; but we have received fo much caufe of uneafinefs, that it is now abfolutely neceffary we fhould receive a full and ample affurance of it.

Inftructions of the Prince de Kaunitz to M. Blumendorff, the Imperial Minifter at Paris, dated Vienna, 17th of February, 1792.

T

HE ambaffador from France at this court has been directed to demand explanations refpecting the note which I delivered to him on the 21st of December: he has acquitted himfelf by communicating to me the following extract of the difpatch, which was addreffed to him for that purpofe' by Monf. Deleflart on the 21ft of January laft.

It might be fufficient for me to refer, refpecting the explanations demanded, as well to the notoriety of the facts as to a pofterior note fent by me to the French ambafador on the 5th of January, which, without doubt, was known at Paris fixteen days after, at the date of the difpatch of M. Deleffart; neverthelefs, the fentiments and intentions of the Emperor refpecting France are fo pure and fincere, that he is readily inclined to repeat the fulleft explanations, being fenfible that it is of infinite importance for them to be justly known, and entirely to difpel the falfe light in which it is endeavoured to reprefent them, for the purpose of endangering their mutual tranquillity.

The explanations that the ambal

fador has been commiffioned to de mand, may be reduced to the two following heads: "The orders given to Marfhal Bender;" and "The concert which fubfifts between the Emperor and feveral other powers for the maintenance of the general tranquillity, and the safety and honour of crowns."

EXPLANATION ON THE FIRST HEAD," AS TO THE ORDERS GIVEN TO MARSHAL BENDER."

The Emperor, without waiting for a requifition from France, was the first to fubject the reception of the French emigrants in all his dominions, to the most strict rules of a fimple afylum; and it is also not fecret throughout all Europe, that fince their affembling, the Emperor has continually given the moft pofitive directions and advice to hinder them from any actions that might difturb the general tranquillity. On what foundation then, or to what purpose, does M. Deleffart reproach the court of Vienna with having appeared in any manner indifferent to the movements of the emigrants?

The orders to Marfhal Bender, which is the point in queftion, were connected with an abfolute condition, that the Elector of Treves fhould fully perform his promife "of adhering to the fame rules which are in force in the Low Countries relative to the emigrants;" and M. Deleffart confeffes this to have been known in France. This point required, therefore, no explanation; and I know not what to think of the minifter's reproach on account of "this difpofition not having been expreffed in the note of the 21ft of December," when at the fame tine the "alliftance demanded by the

Elector

Elector is there avowedly promifed, in cafe the tranquillity of his frontiers and his ftates fhould be infringed, notwithstanding the wife meafures of that prince in adopting the fame regulations which were put in force in the Auftrian Low Countries;" and when at the fame time, in my fecond note of 5th January, the declaration on our part, of affiftance, is pofitively limited to the cafe of an invafion taking place, "in defiance of the moderate and prudent precautions of the princes of the empire, in obferving a conduct fimilar to that purfued by the government of the Low Countries." ff fuch manifeft indications were not fufficient to clear all doubt, and if, in refpect to himself, it were poffible to fuppofe the Emperor would fupport armaments which he has forbidden in his own eftates, what could remain to be defired, after the letter that the Count de Mercy addreffed you on the 7th of January, and of which, Sir, you acquainted me that you had made an exact communication to M. Deleffart; by which this ambaffador enjoins you "to communicate to the French minifter, that the Emperor had declared he would grant no affiftance to the Elector, if he did not fully fatisfy the demand of France, not to permit in his states affemblages of emigrants, nor any preparations, nor hoftile steps of any kind whatever; but that he fhould adopt in every respect the fame impartial conduct which has always been obferved in the Low Countries towards the French emigrants?" This official explanation, together with the above indications, is confirmed by the fact, and by the reports of Monf. de St. Croix on the execution of the orders given to prevent thefe

affemblages. Did it not therefore
place in the hands of the minister
fufficient motives of fatisfaction to
diffipate the most confirmed and
malevolent mistrust?

How, therefore, can Monf. Deleffart confine the motives for the orders given to Marshal Bender to the fuppofition of fome violence, and fome incurfions committed by the municipalities? Why does he pafs over in filence the other motives which my note of the 21ft December fpecified, "that daily experience does not give fufficient affurances of the ftability and preponderance of moderate measures in France, and a regular fubordination of powers, efpecially of the provinces and municipalities?" Of all this paffage, the laft word only is caught up. Is it that the other motives which it expreffes, and which are found at length in my note of the 5th of January, but on which he alfo obferves filence, are not equally true as important? It is affuredly eafier to pafs them over, than to combat their juftice and reality.

It was therefore clearer than day that the Emperor, far from being inclined to threaten France, was only inclined to remind her of the obligations he was under, as chief of the Germanic body, as a co-eftate and neighbour, to fuccour another state of the empire against unjust attacks which evidently were to be appre hended from the extreme violence manifefted in the temper of the national affembly, as well as of the neareft departments and municipalities, joined to fuch a precipitation and difproportion of meafures, as did not permit any delay in the orders for eventual affiftance. And as it is equally evident, that there T 2

did

"they will unite to avenge, in the "moft fignal manner, every further "attempt that may be committed or "fuffered to be committed against "the liberty, the honour, and the

did not remain to France a fhadow of doubt as to the true intentions of the Emperor, the refult of courfe is, that on the first head there was no ground for requiring the explanations which have been demand-"fafety of the King, the Queen, and ed, if the French minifer had not been abfolutely determined to start objections.

EXPLANATION RESPECTING THE
CONCERT OF POWERS.

"Without doubt," fays Monf. Deleffart, "there was an epoch in which their caufe (that of the emigrants) apparently connected with that of the King, might have excited the true intereft of fovereigns, and more particularly of the Emperor."

"the royal family; and that, final"ly, they will not acknowledge as "conftitutional laws, legally efta"blished in France, any but those "which fhall have the voluntary "acquiefcence of the King enjoy"ing perfect liberty. But if, on "the other hand, thefe demands

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are not complied with, they will "in concert employ all the means "in their reach to put a stop to "the fcandalous ufurpation of pow "er, which bears the appearance "of an open rebellion, and which, At this period, which the minifter" from the danger of the example, fixes before the time that the King, "it concerns all the governments by the acceptance of the conftitu- "of Europe to reprefs." tion, placed himself at the head of a new government, France gave to Europe the fpectacle of a lawful king forced by atrocious violence to fly; protefting folemnly againft the acquiefcence which they had extorted from him; and a little afterwards, together with his family, ftopped. and detained prifoners by his fubjects.

Yes; it then did concern the brother-in-law and the ally of the King to invite the other powers of Europe to join with him in a declaration to France," that they all view "the caufe of his Moft Chriflian "Majefty as their own; that they "demand that this prince and his "family be fet at liberty, and have "power to go where they pleafe; "and they require for thefe royal "perfonages inviolability and due "refpect, which by the laws of na❝ture and of nations are due from "fubjects to their princes; that

These are the terms of the declaration which the Emperor propofed in the month of July 1791, to the principal fovereigns of Europe to be made to France, and to be adopted as the basis of a general concert.

He defies a word to be found which is not fanctioned by all the principles moft facred in the law of nations:-and is it pretended that the French nation, by its new conftitution, has raifed itself above the univerfal law of all countries, in all ages? Nay, more; they could not, without contradicting the conftitution itfelf, give the title of a league againft France, and an union of powers to oblige the King and the nation to accept laws which they fhall have made, to a concert, whofe only view was to fuccour and fupport the inviolability of the King and French monarchy, which the new conftitution ac

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