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ing opinions, and an artful addrefs to those opinions, partook of the quicknefs of thought from whence they fprung. Though many and various, and involving the most serious confequences, they were yet lefs remarkable for their number and magnitude, than for the extreme rapidity of their fucceffion.

By means of the prefs, the grand forum on which all public affairs were agitated, a principle of restlefs difcontent and endless commotion had been introduced into the most populous and centrical, the most refined, ardent, and inflammable nation in Europe; and whofe fashions, manners, and opinions moft of the other nations were prone to follow. Metaphyficians, geometers, and aftronomers, applied the compaffes of abftraction to human paffions, propenfities, and habits: the minds of men were alienated from kings, and became enamoured of political philofophy. The old government of France was completely fubverted; religion and morality were equally defpifed; dominion was gradually transferred, from well meaning men, perhaps, to bad from bad to worse; and the maxim of the noble philofopher, ftatefman, and hiftorian of Rome was inverted.

Ita imperium femper ad optumum quemque a minus bono tranffertur.

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A bloody anarchy was erected on the ruins of focial fubordination. The ruling party, armed at once with enthusiasm, and a command of the finance and whole property of the nation, trampled on the rights of their fellow-citizens, and held the law of nations and foreign treaties in derifion. In the pretended pursuit of liberty, they violated all regard to humanity. The laws were without force; innocence without protection; obscurity and indigence, or a participation in crimes, the only fafety. The deftructive infection of this attempt to reduce what is called the modern philofophy into practice, fpread rapidly abroad before the effects of the fatal experiment were known at home: and it would be difficult to determine whether the progrefs of the evil was more forwarded by the ill-judged exertions of individuals, whether political writers, ftatefmen, or fovereign princes, to oppofe it, or, by the impunity with which it had been fuffered, in its commencement, to prevail in France, and to extend to every country in Europe.

While the atrocities of democracy pled the caufe of monarchical and even abfolute governments, the infatiate ambition, and unprincipled policy of monarchs, not more fhamefully than foolishly difplayed in the partition of Póland, apologized for the exceffes of democracy. On the whole, it appeared that the European nations, however ad

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vanced in fpeculative knowledge, had made but very little progrefs in practical and political wisdom.

Since the events of this period are manifold and furprizing beyond all example, it may perhaps be expected by fome of our readers, that we, like certain other journalists, fhould increase our volumes to a fize, bearing a kind of proportion to the variety and extent of the bufy fcenes of years that form their respective fubjects: but this would be abfurd, unless it should be thought proper wholly to call off attention from former fcenes; or poffible to enlarge the faculties of men, and extend the period of human life.

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Science does not confift in the enumeration of facts, but in their claffification. There are no facts of any kind, either inftructive or interefting, otherwife than as they are connected with principles and views; with theories, whether true or only hypothetica!. When events cease to furprize by novelty, they become inftructive by their want of it. In proportion as tranfactions and operations of the fame kind, fpringing from fimilar caufes, and producing fimilar effects, are fo multiplied as to become common, it is not neceffary to detail facts; but fufficient to mention general refults and principles of action. It is thus that knowledge of every kind is advanced: the gradual and leifurely de

ductions

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ductions of one age, or generation, being taken in the next, for things granted.-If it were otherwife, the boundaries of fcience could never be enlarged; and the republic of letters, like that of Rome, would fink under its own magnitude. If in writing the Hiftory of Europe for 1791 and 1792, we should attempt to defcribe every thing that paffed, we should, in fact, defcribe nothing: the complicated fcene would be too various and vaft for human comprehenfion. Among innumerable interefting events, the annalist must make a felection of fuch as are moft in crefting: and, in making this felection, he muft of neceffity be guided by his own genius and habitual way of thinking. Some things may appear most striking to one mind; and other things the most important to another: whence it is poffible, and fometimes happens, that of the fame times we may have histories widely differing from each other, both in matter and style, and yet both of them at once pleafing and inftructive.

The general effect, or impreffion, that remains on the mind, after reviewing any series of events, which impels either the historian or epic poet to communicate his fentiments and emotions to others, ferves as a band of union among the tranfactions and occurrences which he involves in the ftream of his compofition. On a review of the af

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fairs

fairs of Europe, from 1790 to 1793, we are chiefly impreffed with the rapid progress of public opinion and public fpirit, on the one hand; and, on the other, with the efforts that were made by the old governments to refift them. Amidst the thick and entangled foreft, this divifion opens Home profpects. The revolutionary fpirit may be traced from Paris to the provinces and foreign dependencies of France, to her armies, and to other nations; and the reaction marked of its various effects on the people, and public councils of France, and other countries. Guided by these villas, we have eafy opportunities of taking occafional views of whatever is most remarkable in the different quarters of Europe, without lofing fight of the main object.

In ordinary times, the great chain of events may often be traced to mean and pitiful intrigues: the investigation of which, however, cannot be very interefting to any others than fuch as have conceived a great attachment and curiosity of enquiring into every thing that relates to particular characters. The Revolution, which we contemplate with mingled aftonishment and terror, originated not in any private intrigue, nor with any individual character; nor exclufively in Paris, nor France; but in the wide circles of Europe, and of civilization*. Its feeds, diffused over the

Many marked and vigorous characters arofe out of the revolution, but cannot be faid to have created it.

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