earth, and long dormant or concealed, collecting force with the progrefs of Time, Commerce, and Knowledge, Burst at length into a flame in the capital of the French monarchy. Foftered in that exuberant foil, fanned by amnbitious and discontented men of every rank, and (preading with velocity through all the channels of the state, it could neither be smothered nor extinguished. Neither the laple of fourteen ages, nor the veneration which the French had always ‘nourished for their princes, could protect the perfon of Louis XVI. The barriers which Richelieu and Louis XIV. had opposed to popular vidlence and innovation, were too feeble 'to prevent the conflagration; and some of them contributed to its excitement. After laying the ancient laws, constitution, and order of things in ruins, it still conti, nues to blaze, and to devour every thing with which it comes in contact, with unabated violence. The anxious and terri. fied attention of mankind is directed towards it, wherever it spreads. The old and the new world are both of them menaced by its progress.

Instead, therefore, of looking to individual agents, OF their measures, we consider the revolution itself as the bea, con by whose awful corufcations we are to lead our readers through the history of the eventful year 1792. A retrospect of the events which have already been detailed in this


Work, will aid us in our undertaking. They assumed an alarming appearance in 1791; and as Great Britain became a principal party in the war as early as February 1793, the impartial history of the preceding year, 1792, is peculiarly, nteresting as well as important. A contest then commenced, which has already extended its bloody and convullive struggles to the opposite sides of the globe; which fill subfifts in all its force, and which has threatened, in their turn, the subversion of every state and every religion. It is by examining its commencement, and the springs that gave it activity, that its progress can be best estiinated, and the period of its duration most probably ascertained.

Instead of fatiguing our reader with a detail of the incidents that occafioned the publication of the present vo. lume, before that for 1791, we shall only say, that this last is now in the press, and that it will be published in the course of a few months.

For the late appearance of these volumes it will, we hope, be deemed some compensation by our intelligent readers, that we have availed ourselves of those lights which hăve been thrown on our subject by the progress oí time: which has also presented opportunities of enquiring and obtaining new information, from the most authentic sources, respecting the original springs of the great drama of Europe.

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As new terms are, from time to time, introduced with new ideas and new objects, living languages are subject to constant change ; and fucceffive barbarisms, derived from temporary and local circumstances, render them in some measure unintelligible to all, besides those to whom such circumstances are familiar, It is im. poffible for a foreigner, by any knowledge or analogy of language, to know what we mean in this country by Whig, Tory, the Minister's Budget, and so on. None but a Frenchman, or one acquainted with France, can be supposed to know that a Swiss means a porter, or a Savoyard a chimney-sweep. Of late years, amidit other changes and novelties in France, a very considerable degrec of innovation has taken place in the French language. Although, for our own parts, we studiously avoid the use of the new phraseology of our neighbours, as being equally offensive against purity, perspicuity, and dignity of Ityle; yet, as this, in some instances, may find its way into the papers, to which we give a place in our record, or to which we may occasionally refer, we thought it nor altogether unnecessary to give an explanation of the following words:

The New or MODERN PHILOSOPHY. The doctrines of Rousseau, Voltaire, Hume, Diderot, and others, who, exceeding the zeal as well as boldness of their sceptical predecessors, have devoted, or continue to devote their lives to the reduction of mankind, into a mockery of the christian religion, and the adoption of

a lyftera a system of atheism and licentiousness. As the writers just mentioned outdid, in point of extravagance, the philosophers who had gone before them ; so they themselves were, in their turn, outdone by Condorcet, Brissot, Sieyes, Mr. Paine, and a whole herd of other philosophers, who actually attempted to carry the dreams of metaphysicians, on political subjects, into practice.

The States-GENERAL of France assembled at Versailles, by the authority of the King, assumed the name and the powers of

The CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY; or, an Assembly for the purpose of forming a new constitution. This was also called the first National Assembly. A new constitution being formed, and accepted by the King and a great majority of the French nation, under the solemnity of an oath, the Constituent Assembly, in September 1791, gave way to

The LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY; which was also called the Second National Assembly. A convention of the nation being called after the massacres of August 1792, and the imprisonment of the King,

The NationAL CONVENTION met in September, 1792. This was also called the Third National Assembly.

The Mountain. The higher or most elevated seats in the hall of the Assembly; occupied by the violent revolutionists, or democrats.

The VALLEY. The lower seats; and these in the middle of the hall of the Affembly,-hearing some resemblance to the pit in a play-house. This part of the hall was occupied by a more moderate party : among whom there were many well-ineaning men, distinguished more by probity than by talents. It was at one time very commonly called Les bas Cotés. It is now commonly called Le Ventre.

Coté Droit, The right side, or that on the right hand of the president: corresponding with our speaker in the House of Com, mons. It was here that those members who set their faces against democratical violence took their seats from the first fittings of the Constituent Allembly at Versailles. The most distinguished of that party were Mounier, Bergasse, and Lally Tollendall. These gentiemen quitted the Assembly, after the royal family were coaftrained to remove, on the 6th of O&ober, 1789, to Paris; and were succeeded by Maury, Caffales, Malouet, and Montlosier.

After the ele&tion of the second, or Legislative Assembly, among the most ftrenyous supporters of the feeble constitutional powers of the King, we find the names of Dumas, Theodore la Meth, Rochegude, and Jaucourt,

COTÉ GAUCHE, the left fide, or that on the left hand of the president; where the violent adversaries of monarchy were seated. Of this party Robespierre had been a very active and conspicuous leader in the Constituent Assembly. In the Legislative Assembly, among the most diftinguished leaders of the Republican party, was Briffot. The chiefs of that party were for the most part destroyed by Robespierre, clected a member of the Third Assembly, or National Convention. It is worthy of remark, that, amidst all the various changes of power and parties, from the commencement of the revolution till the present time, a majority was always found on the left side of the house. The famous Abbé Sieges was al: ways to be found on that fide, during the Constituent Assembly, even when he maintained an obftinate silence. Those who had been members of the Constituent, could not be elected members of the Legislative Assembly, which immediately followed it. But the violent promoters of revolutions, like the Abbe, preserved

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