and that probably at no great diftance, is the abolition of furnames*. In a word, it is in the fpirit of Mr. Godwin's political fyftem, to harden the heart against all the endearing charities of life; to teach men, and even women, according to his own phrafe," to reft on their own centre." He would reverse the actual order of nature, in the different circles of fociety, from a fingle family to the most extenfive empire; and arrange all ideas of social atatchment and duty, around the centre of a moft complicated chaos of cold abstractions. This Book of Godwin, not the leaft curious among the fruits of French principles and revolution, feemed not unworthy of particular attention on the prefent occafion; as it fhews to what confequences fome of thefe principles might be pushed, by a procefs of reafoning, if the principles be granted, not eafy to be refuted. Though the wrongheadednefs and infanity of Mr. Godwin's publication muft be admitted, he must be allowed to poffefs great fubtlety of genius, as well as hardinefs of thinking, and vigour of fancy. In London, and in every great town in Britain, many idle, difcontented, and felf-conceited perfons were to be seen, affecting the habit, character, and name of philofophers. It is very proper to mention, that their philofophy confifted not fo much in an investigation of truth in general, or in a wife purfuit of the beft ends, by the beft means, as in a freedom from all manner of prejudice; particuJarly from all refpect for eftablished governments, and all reverence for religion. Yet a common cause feemed to be made, and fympathy formed between thofe atheifts and many religionists of different fects, from a common averfion to the established church, not to say government. They frequently af fembled together in fmall parties, in close divan; from which all who were not notorioufly diffatisfied with the prefent order of things, were carefully excluded. And it was very curious to obferve, that men, who were generally accounted the moft crabbed, morofe, and unfociable in their manners towards their countrymen and neighbours, were the loudeft advocates for univerfal philanthropy. There were allo men, and among thefe fome of note, who, uniting a fpecies of christianity with a fpirit of philofophical inquiry, inferred from the prefent phenomena of the world, compared with the fcriptural prophecies, that the time was faft approaching when there fhould be a new or regenerated earth; and confidered what had paled in America, and was paffing at the time in France and Poland, as the commencement, at least the fure and immediate forerunner of the millenium; when Satan fhould be bound for a thoufand years, and human felicity promoted by the promotion of knowledge and righteoufnefs. Dr. Price, well known as a writer on both political and metaphyfical ftudies, in a valetudinary fermon to his diffenting congregation at Hackney, one of the fuburbs of London, in allufion to the revolutionary fpirit of the times, and particularly to the French revolution, chofe for his text the Godwin's Inquiry into Political Justice, vol. ii. p. 582. words words of Simeon, when he had feen the infant Jefus: "Lord, now letteft thou thy fervant depart in peace, accoring to thy word; for mine eyes have feen thy falvation*. All thefe claffes of men in the different kingdoms of Europe, and other parts of the world, wifhed well to the French revolu-, tion, and looked up to the wifdom and patriotifm of the conftitucnt aflembly with the most pleasing expectations. Never did any affembly of men feem to act, on fo extended a theatre, fo confpicuous a part. They feemed to hold in their hand the deftinies of the human race. The Genius of France having affumed the tone of a humane and grave philofopher, had taken human nature under his protection, and promifed to raife them to dignity and happiness by a reformation, civil and religious. The new conftitution was completed. Univerfal and eternal peace was proclaimed on the part of France; and if ever this fhould be interrupted, it would be only by unjuft aggreffion. But foon did corrupt nature re-affume her reign! Soon did the Genius of France lay afide the habit and tone of the humane philofopher, and completely realize the fable of the cat metamorphofed into a fine lady. The feeds of diffolution were fown in the conftitution itself, in the means by which it had been obtained, in the character of the French nation, the depravity of their morals, and the violence of their paffions. The new government, mistrustful, and bearing no good-will to the fovereign prince whom they had treated fo ill, tho' the most amiable of men; and jealous of the fovereign powers whofe authority was indirectly attacked by the revolution, faw no fecurity to themfelves but in reducing ftill farther the royal power, already too much contracted by the recent conftitution; and in the propagation of their political creed, and a general fraternization with neighbouring ftates and kingdoms. While emiffaries were employed for this purpofe abroad, attacks were fucceffively made at home, on the prerogatives of the king, the privileges of the nobility and the clergy, and on all who poffeffed property. The great mafs of the people, taught to confider themfelves as fractions of the fovereign will, became impatient of controul, and imperious. Difappointed in their blind and extravagant expectations of fome unknown and indefinite good from the new conftitution, they became difcontented, reftlefs, unruly, and fit inftruments of all manner of crimes in the hands of defigning men, who aimed at farther and farther changes in government. While the greatest diforders prevailed in France, foreign armies, advancing to her frontiers, threatened the reftoration of monarchy. But the French, while all was wild and inhuman uproar in their own country, difplayed in their conduct to other nations, the highest degree of genius and courage. A ftriking affemblage was exhibited of virtues and crimes; of a general devotion to liberty, and an inhuman ferocity in the purfuit of it; of greatnefs and meannefs of mind; of treachery and fidelity; of the most Luke, chap. 2. ver. 29, 30. hocking fhocking ingratitude and generous attachmeut; of public exertion well directed, and private profligacy and every fpecies of depravity and excefs. There is an active fortitude, and there is a paffive fortitude. The latent energy of the French character, which had either been benumbed or perverted for ages, fhone forth in inftances of the former on the frontier, and examples of the latter in the interior of the kingdom. The weaker fex, on manifold occafions difplayed a confrancy that fhewed how independent the fublimeft courage is of bodily ftrength. Though a general lethargy had fallen on the nobility, yet they were not on the whole difobedient to the calls of honour. In the church, the nobleft patterns were exhibited of Chriftian fubmiffion and refignation; and many obtained the crown of martyrdom. But it was in the royal family that the most magnanimous and affecting conftancy and goodnefs was displayed-a family, which in this extremity of fortune, appeared the firft in dignity as in ftation. From the minds, however, of all thofe who were the most active in the internal convulfions of France, all principle, all faith, all natural affection feemed for a time to be expelled; and all things were involved in diftruft, fear, rapine, and frenzy. The convention which fucceeded to the conftituent affembly, was in general fuch as the loweft clafs of the people brought into play by the downward progreffion of power in times of civil commotion, by whom it was formed, directed, or intimidated. Or if they attempted to exert an authority of their own, it was fuffici ent only to enforce the commiffion of crimes, not to restrain them, The moft perfect tyranny was dif guised under the name of revolu tionary ardour. Anarchy, according to the nature of extremes, ran into defpotifm; and in the midft of this horrid tumult of contending views and paffions, the levity and impetuofity of the French character were still predominant. The concurring teftimony of all the journals of the times will fcarcely render it credible to pofterity, that the very first act of the legislativo affembly, after fwearing to maintain, to the utmost of their power, the conftitution of the kingdom, decreed by the conftituent affembly, was to feize the fmall territory of Avignon (Oct. 1791) which had been ceded to the Pope, and the ceffion repeatedly ratified; and the Bishropic of Bafle, which fecured certain defiles that open a paffage into Switzerland. A chofen band of affaffins, under the command of one Jourdan, diftinguifhed by the name of Cut-throat, which then was far from being confidered as a term of reproach, was difpatched to that beautiful spot where the nature of the inhabitants was congenial with the mild benignity of the climate. They began the fyftem of their operations by inftituting a club, and gaining partizans among the people. After mafiacring the moft peaceable and refpectable inhabitants, they compelled the remainder to meet and vote their union with the kingdom of France. Those affaffins were fent, under the name of commiffaries, for fettling certain differences which they pretended to have arisen amongst the inhabitants, and between Avignon and Carpentras. The affembly, by this management, management, had the appearance of only acceding to the will of the majority of the inhabitants, when they afterwards declared that Avignon was an integrant part of the kingdom. The revolution of Avignon, the first fruits of the new pacific fyftem of France, formed a prefage of farther encroachments, and unfolded the principle on which thefe were to be made; which were precifely the fame with that on which the ancient Romans extended their conquefts over the greatest part of the known world. Like the Romans, they began their operations with learning the ftate of parties, and fomenting divifions; by efpoufing the caufe of one of the parties, and making it the tool of their ambition. On the fame plan they have proceeded, like the Romans, to make war on other nations, not as ene mies, but friends and protectors; affecting to govern distant countries by influence and management, without feizing on them immediately and openly as poffeffions. In the fpirit of the Roman policy, they avow open and eternal war against one rival, while they offer an infidious peace and amity to other nations. They have marked out their Carthage, the deftruction of which they affirm to be neceffary to the freedom of commerce, and the peace of the world. While they lull the nation into habits of peace, they themselves nourish in their own country a fpirit of war, and this becomes the great road to diftinction, and the ruling paffion of the nation: nor is this road precluded to the very meaneft of the citizens; to whom the highest dignities are opened, as they also were to the plebeians of Rome in the But The next object to which the new legiflature of France turned their attention, was, the continued emigration of the nobles to join the army of French affembled beyond the frontiers, under the Prince of Condé. October 14, 1791. It was decreed that emigrants, thus affembled, fhould be from that time confidered as traitors against their country; and that from the first of January 1792, fuch as fhould be known to be affembled, fhould be punished with death: that all the French princes, and public functionaries, who fhould not return before the firft of January, fhould * B be be adjudged guilty of the fame crime; that fuch as fhould be convicted during their abfence, fhould forfeit their eftates and property during their own lives, but not to the prejudice of their children; that all fuch perfons holding offices fhould be adjudged to have forfeited the fame: that all fuch being officers in the army and navy, fhould be confidered as deferters; and that Frenchmen, enlifting men to attack the frontiers, fhould be adjudged guilty of high treafon. It could not be expected that the King fhould ratify a decree so fevere against men who had been guilty of no other crime than that of faithfully adhering to the monarchy and the monarch. He withheld his fanction for the prefent, and did that which any other juft and humane prince would have done in fimilar circumftances. Determined to fupport the conftitution, to which he had fworn, he would not encourage or connive at preparations for war against it; but, concerned for the perfonal rights and fafety of men whom he efteemed and loved, he refolved to attempt a reconciliation between the French government and the emigrants, by the mild method of admonition and perfuafion. He had dispatched letters again and again, even before the violent decree of the affembly, to all the princes, earneftly entreating them to return; and ufed all his endeavours by a public proclamation, as well as by all the private influence he poffeffed, to recall the emigrants to the bofom of their country, and to retain those who were inclined to emigrate. Dec. 14, 1791. The King, on the fame day that he refufed his fanction to the decree against the emigrants, had previously given it to another decree of the affembly, requiring the Count of Provence, his eldeft brother, to return to the kingom within the fpace of two months. The French princes, in anfwer to the King's repeated letters, perfifted in their refufal to acknowledge the conftitution accepted by his Majefty, and declared their views to be the re-eftablifhment and refpect of the Roman catholic religion and its minifters, and to restore to the King his liberty and legiflative authority. The King would probably have approved heartily of the conftitution, had a few inodifications been made to fatisfy his confcience as to religion, and his feelings with regard to his family and the nobles. But ftill, harfh as it was in these refpects, there was not any reason to doubt of his fincerity in his earnest and repeated letters to the princes. His piety, the facrifices he had often made to humanity, the gentleness and the timid hefitation and irrefolution of his character, all confpire to preclude every idea of duplicity on the part of the King on this occafion. It is alfo to be obferved, that whatever repugnance may have been felt by their Majetties to fo great a retrenchment of the royal authority, it could not be, and in fact it is well enough known, that it was not their with that the ancient monarchy fhould be reftored by external force, under the direction and aufpices of the princes; whofe victorious eng trance and re-establishment in • The Prince of Condé, the Count de Provence, and the Count d'Artois, France |