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important part of the case, what the Vice- rulers, and is still used as a substitute for Chancellor, quoting from another and con- heartfelt loyalty in the former, and the honest firming by his own authority, said of the performance of duty in the latter. An oath duties of an attorney, and which applies enforced by punishment, binding the soldier equally to the duties of a barrister, because to obedience, is the basis of military discimembers of these professions, as we have pline; but as it does not even in his case remore than once said, sometimes lend them-lieve him from the exercise of his discretion, selves knowingly and wilfully to defend fraud. -for he must not shoot his colonel though The principles of law being always inferior to ordered by his sergeant, so in no case does the principles of morality which the law is an oath relieve men from moral obligations, or intended to enforce, and to the principles of supersede them, however much it may enforce commercial morality derived from the nature them. No minor obligation, therefore, no reof commercial occupations, the commercial lationship, even though sanctioned and enclasses, by confiding in attorneys and barris- forced by an oath of office, can exonerate an ters and steering their course by the law, individual from the required obedience to the neglect the safer guides of conscience and higher obligations of morality, and consehonesty. The dictum of the Judge includes quently cannot exonerate him from his duty a design to commit perjury, which the attor- not to be a party to fraud, any more than to ney or the barrister in many cases not only perjury, murder, or treason. knows of but encourages when he undertakes As it is now perfectly clear that the law to bring a client through, and permits him to cannot possibly reach every case of fraud and swear falsely, and asks leading questions to cannot prevent frauds, and perfectly clear, elicit partial and perjured statements. To from the case of Agar, Burgess and Pierce, have this dictum as to the duties of the two concerned in the gold dust robbery, that no professions made public on such high authority, watchfulness can guard against ingenuity will both keep the professions more honest, sharpened by excessive desire,-that no serand warn commercial men against confiding vant under such an influence can be implicitly in them and running to them for advice, trusted, it is of great importance to have in order to make fraud triumph over fair this principle of individual moral responsibility dealing. enforced on public attention. Men of business will be sensible after this statement of the Vice-Chancellor that the law will not encourage their clerks to keep improper secrets. Clerks will learn that their duty to their employers will not exonerate them from guilt, even in the eye of the law, if they make themselves parties to their masters' frauds. Individuals are made honest and taught jus tice by the action of society; they are in the main kept honest and just by its influence, though it is customary to suppose the reverse; and the sense of individual responsibility thus enforced on all will go farther to insure moral improvement throughout society than any penal code, however minute and comprehensive.

The principle of confidential relationship, however, on which Mr. Eddis relied, and which is the all-important principle at issue, seems derived from the confessional. It was adopted less to convert and correct sinners, than to place them at the mercy of the confessor. It is a part of the great system of the discipline of the Romish Church, in which an oath to superiors was enforced on novices as overriding all other moral obligations, and intended to create for the service of the priesthood an army of spies, seducers, and betrayers. The obligation of a vow or an oath as more binding than other moral obligations, and therefore frequently used and relied on to enforce them, is indeed of great antiquity, and has been handed down through the conWhen a merchant knows that every serfessional and the law to our own time. It vant under him will be under no obligation to was used to give validity to compacts founded conceal his misdeeds if he be inclined to be on injustice. It is supposed, more than the fraudulent-when a ship-owner knows that love of country, born with us and strength- his captain, instead of painting and varnishened by all the ties of kindred and affection, ing and vamping up an old worn-out vessel and all the habits of speech, which constitute to procure a cargo and endanger both life and the man himself much more than the ever- property, is bound to abstain from being a changing body, to connect subjects with their party to such a proceeding and to expose it—

when he knows that his mates and his sea- portion foreseeing, or disposed to give ear to men and his cabin-boy are all bound not only those who are so. It is the duty of the to take care of their own lives in opposition Foreign Minister of England to watch coming to their employer and not to embark on board events; to be cognizant of all the secret a crazy craft, but are also bound to expose links, imperceptible to the general eye and the state of the case to others, there will be the untrained mind, which connect apparent more caution and more honesty than at trivialities with momentous consequences; to present amongst these respectable classes of be ever on the alert to detect and check men. When railway directors and managers those incipient movements of aggression and of all kinds of companies know that every injury which can be effectually and easily clerk may be a watch upon them, and, instead suppressed only in their incipiency; and to of helping them to deceive the public and the see in a slight and unimportant proceeding shareholders, may feel himself under an obli- on the part of some hostile or rival Power gation to expose falsely cooked accounts and the first step and indication of a policy falsely announced schemes, we shall have which, in its ulterior and logical developmuch less fraud in all companies than at ment, will entail bloody wars and severe present. In fact, we know no means of pre- struggles for "existence or for empire. It is venting fraud so efficacious as making every not in the power, and it is not the duty, of individual who is a party to it, through every the nation to follow him in this intricate and class of society, servants and masters, law- profound branch of statesmanship: it is imgivers and people, ministers and their subor- possible they should do so they have not dinates, responsible for it, and bound to check either the leisure or the information requisite or expose or resist it. Moral improvement for the purpose. But they may and they may be expected, from the promulgation by ought to give him credit for doing what must authority of the principle that conscientious be done, and what yet they cannot do-for responsibility belongs to every man, and over-seeing further than they see, and sooner rules all obligations to subserve immoral purposes, however imposed and however disguised, and whether of fraud or violence.

From The Economist, 18 Dec.
THE PERSIAN EXPEDITION.

than they see; and when he acts in a way which they did not expect, and are not at first sight inclined to approve, they should be ready to assume that he discerns what for the moment is hidden from them, and acts on information and from knowledge of the question which they do not possess.

THE English people often take a very common-sense, and, on the whole, a very In truth, what is called a meddlesome and sound view, of questions of foreign policy, quarrelsome policy, is, in the majority of when these come before them in the shape cases, only a vigilant and provident policy. of practical action to meet an obvious danger In international questions, above all others, or an immediate necessity. When an ally is does the proverb hold that " a stitch in time to be succored, or a citizen protected, or an saves nine." Many evils may be dealt with attack repelled, or an insult resented, the in their infancy that would be unmanageable good feeling which distinguishes the nation if left to attain their full growth. Many comes in aid of its good sense, and a Min- dangers may be crushed in the egg that ister has rarely to complain of any disposi- would crush us in their mature strength and tion to blame or any indisposition to sanction stature. Aggressions and encroachments bethe most prompt and spirited proceedings. gin by slow degrees. Almost all questions Wherever the safety or the honor of Great and disputes are small at first. Almost all Britain is manifestly concerned, the country injustices and affronts are little, but mean is never lukewarm; and a Government that much. They are ventured upon or refrained acts with vigor and decision may always from just according to the opinion enterrely upon substantial justice and cordial support. Of course the voice of faction will be raised; but it is seldom much listened to, and seldomer still does it prevail.

But the public, though in the main intelligent and equitable, is not in the same pro

tained by the one party of the character and power of the other. Now this character can be established by and shown in small matters as easily as in great, and far more economically. And in this world of cove tous and larcenous sinners where so many

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are incessantly occupied in trying how far dare not resent it. If we submit to a they may go, and how much they can get wrong, it is because we are powerless to it is often safest and best to show them at avenge it. It is obvious that in dealing with the outset that they will get nothing, and people of this sort, we must proceed upon had better go no way at all. There are somewhat different principles from those those who (as the vulgar phrase is) are for- which regulate our intercourse with the civilever trying it on." It is well to let them ized nations of Europe, who are acquainted understand at once that it won't fit. Till with our resources, and are less likely to our boasted civilization has spread further misinterpret our actions. An Eastern Poand penetrated deeper than at present-till tentate is a creature profoundly ignorant of it has permeated the moral character of autocrats and peoples, as well as varnished the surface and augmented the amenities of life-those individuals and nations will insure the most safe and peaceable existence who, while strictly moderate and equitable in their own dealings, are careful to invite no enencroachments, either by want of vigilance or want of tenacity, but tacitly proclaim to all Remonstrance and representation are of no whom it may concern that they see the scope and significance of each cautiouslyventured step of aggression, and are prepared to expose and repel it, however trivial or however veiled and muffled it may be. A character of this sort once established is a tower of strength, a hedge of protection, and a very mine of economic wealth.

the real world-swollen with insane pridewith no notion of controlling himself, and little inclined to believe that any one else is able to control him. His passionate and pampered will is constantly prompting him to acts of aggression or ill-faith. His pride and his ignorance combine to persuade him that his will can meet with no resistance.

avail, because he does not understand justice, and he does not believe in opposition or defeat. Only the rude shock of superior force, or such a distinct and palpable menace of it as can be made obvious to his senses, and can awe his impressible mind, will be found effectual to keep him in order. If he once owing to slumbering vigilance or mistaken and unwise forbearance-gets the notion that he may transgress with impunity, from that moment there is no limit to his

solent, and so troublesome, that at last only the most signal disasters and the most severe retribution can bring him to his senses. A serious war and a terrible chastisement are ultimately needed to avenge that which timely firmness and an early demonstration could have averted. And the same parties that now blame the Government for their preventive promptitude, then cry out against their early inaction and their final harshness.

In no circumstances is this character so necessary as in dealing with Oriental nations. They are inherently ignorant and slavish. By this we mean that they bow to Power: they transgressions. He becomes so daring, so indo not bow to Justice. Right and Might are confounded in their minds to a degree which, in Western and Christian countries, we can scarcely realize. They are, too, much more governed by ideas than we are just in proportion as they are more ignorant than we. They are incapable, for example, of estimating the real power of Great Britain and comparing it with their own. But they can fully estimate and are greatly impressed by the attitude of a nation that acts and In all matters, more especially connected speaks as if it believed itself to be invincible with our Eastern Empire, we live upon our that tolerates no slight-that resents every reputation. To gain and to sustain this insult that punishes every injury or breach of faith without mercy as without exception. Above all, they cannot understand forbearance or concession. The notion of yielding any thing except from weakness-of giving up this possession because it was unimportant, or retracing that step because it was unjust-is one they cannot entertain. They never do such a thing themselves, and they cannot comprehend that others should. If we pass over an indignity, it is because we

We

reputation, is a cheap and wise economy.
Our Empire in the East is mainly one of
ideas. We are a handful of Europeans→→→
probably not 50,000-among 150,000,000 of
subject and not always friendly races.
hold that Hindoo Peninsula, which has in all
ages been regarded as the grand prize-the
El Dorado-of adventurous Asiatic warriors.
We hold it mainly through the instrument-
ality of the natives themselves-by the influ-
ence we have acquired over their minds-by

selves as is involved in a Persian invasion of Affghanistan, not a year would have elapsed before we should have had wars and insurrections on our hands, the very least of which would have been incalculably more costly and more serious than the recent expedition to Bushire.

the notion with which we have impressed | cured us another long interval of tranquillity them of our indomitable energy and our in- and respect. Certain it is, that if we had vincible prowess. If this ascendancy were remained passive spectators of such a breach once shaken, our Empire might be retained of faith, and such an indirect menace to ouror recovered, but it would be at a cost of life and treasure absolutely frightful to contemplate. If, by any error or any yieldingness on our part-by concession of any territory, by endurance of any insult to our selves or our allies-by careless connivance at the infraction of any treaty-the Asiatic nations were once to become possessed with the idea that we were weak, or indolent, or timid, and might be affronted or assailed with impunity, or even with any chance of success,―enemies would spring up on every side; our prestige would be lost; our supremacy would again have to be fought for; and it would take 100,000 European troops to do what can now be done by the quiet word of a British Resident or Envoy.

No doubt the policy of promptitude to foresee dangers in the distance, and to resent aggressions and insults in the outset, is one which must be followed with sagacity and discretion. But our Empire in India is one of our grandest national possessions, and worth every effort to maintain. It is not only a glory to ourselves, it is an unspeakable blessing to the races which we govern. It is a trust and an acquisition, we cannot These considerations form the justification but feel, that is to be retained at all hazards of that expedition against Persia which so and at any cost. Now, no one doubts that many inconsiderate persons regard, and have Herat is the key to Affghanistan, and that not scrupled to represent, as an instance of Affghanistan is the key to the northern absurd and mischievous meddling in affairs provinces at least of India. Persia is the with which we have no concern. Those who ready tool of Russia; and if Persia possessed thus think and write, can have given very Afghanistan, our tranquillity and security, it little study to the question. The siege of is obvious, would be ever at the mercy of a Herat by Persia is in distinct violation of an European rival. This must be prevented by engagement entered into between us and that whatever righteous means are in our power. Power; and on the rigid enforcement of And our best, shortest, cheapest, kindest treaties rests half our authority in the East. means unquestionably lie in a policy which The Shah of Persia, instigated by Russia, shall proclaim throughout the whole East thinks that he may venture on his long- that our vigilance never sleeps-that we disdesired conquest of Affghanistan, and that cern danger and menace afar off as well as we, exhausted by a European war, are in no near at hand-that, as we observe treaties condition to forbid him or to hold him to his with scrupulous fidelity ourselves, we shall sworn engagements. The arrival of our compel an equally scrupulous fidelity from all troops in the Persian Gulf will undeceive co-signitaries-that, while mild and equitable him; and the moment he perceives his mis-in our rule, we are strict to mark and severe take he will hasten to undo it. In a very to punish all affronts and all aggressionsshort time we shall probably learn that the object of our warlike demonstration has been answered; that our character has been vindicated in the eyes of Oriental nations; and that our prompt and spirited action has se

that, in a word, we shall do justice and exact justice with inexorable hands, entirely disre gardful of the smallness or remoteness of the question or the magnitude and expense of the necessary measures.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 664.-14 FEBRUARY, 1857.

From The Dublin University Magazine. OUR POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH

PERSIA.*

the feebleness of his own father Timour. His one all-absorbing thought was the conquest of India, but never did he reach the IF one who proposed to celebrate the re- eastern limits of his territories without beturn of Diomede were to commence with the ing hastily summoned back to their western death of Meleager, or in undertaking to boundaries in order to repel the insignificant narrate the siege of Troy were to journalize demonstrations of Persia. This ruling pasthe incubation of the double-yolked egg, he sion was, moreover, sedulously inflamed by would not commit a greater absurdity than the interested exhortations of Wuzeer Ali, of the writer, who, in setting forth the history Oude. That notorious personage, after beof British diplomacy in Persia, should do ing deposed by Sir John Shore, had fixed his more than make a passing allusion to the ad- residence at Benares, whence his active and ventures of the Brothers Shirley, the infruc- intriguing mind soon found means to comtive embassy of Sir Dodmore Cotton, or the municate with the Afghan ruler. As the allied expedition which wrested Ormus from price of his own restoration to power he the Portuguese. Diplomatic intercourse be- offered to advance a large sum of money, tween the two countries can hardly, indeed, and promised to exert his whole influence be said to have commenced before the open- in Oude in favor of the invader. Similar ing of the present century. Previous to professions were also made by the Rajah of that time the East India Company, which Mysore; while the Mahommedan population alone maintained any communication with of Hindostan openly avowed their natural the people of Persia, were represented sympathy for their co-religionists, and inmerely by commercial agents wholly intent dulged in fond dreams of the expulsion of on driving a lucrative trade. The Persians, the hated Feringhee. therefore, had come to regard the English nation as nothing more than a mercantile community, more honest in adhering to a bargain than clever in making one, and rather to be envied for their wealth than respected for their moral and material power. Subsequent events have, probably, modified this opinion.

The threatening aspect of public affairs filled the mind of the governor-general with deep anxiety. As yet unacquainted with the courage and fidelity of the native troops, when led by English officers, he hesitated to confide to their unaided valor the fortunes of the British empire in the east. In his alarm he turned his eyes towards Persia, and At the accession of the Marquis Welles- sought to stay himself on that bruised and ley, then Lord Mornington, to the Governor- broken reed. There was then no accredited Generalship of India, considerable appre- representative of this country at the court of hension prevailed even in Calcutta as to the Teheran, and the only agent of the East safety of the British possessions in the east. India Company was a Persian nobleman reThe wolf-cry of the day was Afghan inva-siding at Bushire, named Mehdi Ali Khan. sion. This calamity had so frequently been To him, therefore, Lord Wellesley was comthreatened that it was at last looked upon as pelled to have recourse, and the Khan is a certainty, though its occurrence might acknowledged to have served him faithfully possibly be delayed a few months, or even a and with zeal. The first plan that suggested few years. At that time the kingdom of itself was to subsidize the entire Persian Afghanistan was ruled by Shah Zeman, a army, but his lordship finally adopted the prince whose ambition was in the inverse less expensive measure of spending annually ratio of his talents, and who, in the attempt twenty to thirty thousand pounds in order to rival his grandfather, the great Ahmed to induce the court of Teheran "to keep Shah Abdallee, only succeeded in surpassing

An admirable article with this title, to which the writer of the present sketch is greatly indebted, appeared in the Calcutta Review, No. XXIII., 1849. DCLXIV. LIVING AGE. VOL. XVI. 25

Shah Zeman in perpetual check, but without any decided act of hostility." This was the more easy, that Futteh Ali Shah had already resolved to made an inroad into Khor

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