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shaped and active. Their faces, and several parts of their bodies, were fantastically painted with glaring colors. They were shy at first through fear, but soon became familiar with the Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them hawk-bells, glass beads, or other baubles; in return for which they gave such pro

visions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only com17 modity of value which they could produce. Toward

evening, Columbus returned to his ship, accompanied by many of the islanders in their boats, which they called canoes, and, though rudely formed out of the trunk of a single tree, they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, in the first interview between the inhabitants of the old and new worlds, everything was conducted amicably and to their mutual satisfaction. The former, enlightened and ambitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their views. The latter, simple and undiscerning, had no foresight of the calamities and desolation which were approaching their country.

CROMWELL'S EXPULSION OF THE PARLIAMENT

IN 1653.

LINGARD'S « HISTORY OF ENGLAND."

Dr. John Lingard's “ History of England” still maintains an honorable place in our historical literature. Some of his conjectures have been recently confirmed by documentary evidence. We have here a description of the expulsion of the famous Long Parliament by Oliver Cromwell in 1653. This act of violence was one of the steps by wbich Cromwell attained absolute power. No historical character is more difficult to estimate satisfactorily than Oliver Cromwell.

One of the best analyses of his character is that of Von Ranke, given in the "Reader." Perhaps nothing but Puritanism could have produced such an anomaly. After his death in 1658, and the abdication of his son Richard Cromwell, the House of Stuart was restored to the throne in the person of King Charles II, son of King Charles I, who was beheaded in 1649. (See Greene's“ Short History of the English People”; Carlyle’s “Life and Letters of Oromwell.")

At length Cromwell fixed on his plan to procure the 1 dissolution of the Parliament, and to vest for a time the sovereign authority in a council of forty persons, with himself at their head. It was his wish to effect this quietly by the votes of the Parliament—his resolution to effect it by open force, if such votes were refused. Several meetings were held by the officers and members at the lodgings of the lord-general in Whitehall. St. John and a few others gave their assent; the rest, under the guidance of Whitelock and Widrington, declared that the dissolution would be dangerous, and the establishment of the proposed council unwarrantable. In the mean time 2 the House resumed the consideration of the new representative body; and several qualifications were voted, to all of which the officers raised objections, but chiefly to the “ admission of members,” a project to strengthen the government by the introduction of the Presbyterian interest. “Never,” said Cromwell, “ shall any of that judgment who have deserted the good cause be admitted to power. On the last meeting held on the 19th of April, all these points were long and warmly debated. Some of the officers declared that the Parliament must be dissolved

one way or other”; but the general checked their indiscretion and precipitancy, and the assembly broke up at midnight, with an understanding that the leading men on each side should resume the subject in the morning.

At an early hour the conference was recommenced, 3

and, after a short time, interrupted, in consequence of the receipt of a notice by the general that it was the intention of the House to comply with the desires of the army. This was a mistake; the opposite party had indeed resolved to pass a bill of dissolution; not, however, the bill proposed by the officers, but their own bill, containing all the obnoxious provisions, and to pass it that very morning, that it might obtain the force of law before their adversaries could have time to appeal to the power of the sword. While Harrison “most strictly and humbly” conjured them to pause before they took so important a step, Ingoldsby hastened to inform the lord-general at Whitehall. His resolution was immediately formed, and

a company of musketeers received orders to accompany 4 him to the House. At this eventful moment, big with the most important consequences both to himself and his country, whatever were the workings of Cromwell's mind, he had the art to conceal them from the eyes of the beholders. Leaving the military in the lobby, he entered the House, and composedly seated himself on one of the outer benches. His dress was a plain suit of black cloth, with gray worsted stockings. For a while he seemed to listen with interest to the debate; but when the speaker was going to put the question, he whispered to Harrison, “ This is the time; I must do it”; and rising, put off his hat to address the House. At first his language was decorous, and even laudatory. Gradually he became more warm and animated; at last he assumed all the vehemence of passion, and indulged in personal vituperation. 5 He charged the members with self-seeking and profaneness, with the frequent denial of justice, and numerous acts of oppression ; with idolizing the lawyers, the constant advocates of tyranny; with neglecting the men who had bled for them in the field, that they might gain the

Presbyterians who had apostatized from the cause; and
with doing all this in order to perpetuate their own pow-
er and to replenish their own purses. But their time was
come; the Lord had disowned them; he had chosen more
worthy instruments to perform his work. Here the ora-
tor was interrupted by Sir Peter Wentworth, who de-
clared that he had never heard language so unparliamen-
tary-language, too, the more offensive, because it was
addressed to them by their own servant, whom they had
too fondly cherished, and whom, by their unprecedented
bounty, they had made what he was. At these words 6
Cromwell put on his hat, and, springing from his place,
exclaimed, “Come, come, sir, I will put an end to your
prating.” For a few seconds, apparently in the most vio-
lent agitation, he paced forward and backward, and then,
stamping on the floor, added : “ You are no parliament;
I

say you are no parliament; bring them in, bring them in.” Instantly the door opened, and Colonel Worsley entered, followed by more than twenty musketeers. “This,” cried Sir Henry Vane, “is not honest; it is against morality and common honesty.” “Sir Henry Vane,” replied Cromwell; “O, Sir Henry Vane! The Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane! He might have prevented this. But he is a juggler, and has not common honesty himself!” From Vane he directed his discourse to Whitelock, on whom he poured a torrent of abuse; then pointing to Chaloner, “There,” he cried, “sits a drunkard”; and afterward selecting different members in succession, described them as dishonest and corrupt livers, a shame and scandal to the profession of the gospel

. Suddenly, 7 however, checking himself, he turned to the guard, and ordered them to clear the house. At these words Colonel Harrison took the speaker by the hand and led him from the chair; Algernon Sidney was next compelled to quit

his seat; and the other members, eighty in number, on the approach of the military, rose and moved toward the door. Cromwell now resumed his discourse. “ It is you,” he exclaimed, “that have forced me to do this. I have sought the Lord both day and night that he would

rather slay me than put me on the doing of this work.” 8 Alderman Allan took advantage of these words to observe, that it was not yet too late to undo what had been done; but Cromwell instantly charged him with peculation, and gave him into custody. When all were gone, fixing his eye on the mace, “What,” said he, “shall we do with this fool's bauble? Here, carry it away.” Then, taking the act of dissolution from the clerk, he ordered the doors to be locked, and, accompanied by the military, returned to Whitehall. 9 That afternoon the members of the council assembled in their usual place of meeting. Bradshaw had just taken the chair, when the lord-general entered, and told them that, if they were there as private individuals, they were welcome; but if as the Council of State, they must know that the parliament was dissolved, and with it also the council. “Sir," replied Bradshaw, with the spirit of an ancient Roman, “we have heard what you did at the House this morning, and before many hours all England will know it. But, sir, you are mistaken to think that the parliament is dissolved. No

power under heaven can dissolve them but themselves ; 10 therefore, take you notice of that.” After this protest

they withdrew. Thus, by the parricidal hands of its own children, perished the Long Parliament, which, under a variety of forms, had, for more than twelve years, defended and invaded the liberties of the nation. It fell without a struggle or a groan, unpitied and unregretted. The members slunk away to their homes, where they sought

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