a b The late Jeremiah Jones thought that the editions of the New Testament made by Lucian and Hesychius, and mentioned by Jerom, as above, are the apocryphal gospels of Lucian and Hesychius, which are censured in the decree of Pope Gelasius; and that Gelasius means not any distinct gospels, but their interpolated editions of our canonical gospels. Hody and Mill* speak to the like purpose. III. As Hesychius has been now named, and I see no need to allot him a distinct chapter, I shall here observe that he is generally supposed to be the same Hesychius, whom Eusebius mentions with other bishops in Egypt, who obtained the crown of martyrdom in Dioclesian's persecution; but the time is not exactly known. Cave says, that Hesychius flourished near the end of the third century, about the year 296, and placeth his martyrdom in 311; Basnage in 311 or 312. Tillemont speaks of him as suffering with others, whose martyrdom he placeth in 310. It is observable that there is no distinct article for Hesychius in Jerom's Catalogue: nor is his name among other eminent Christian writers in Jerom's letter to Magnus. Hody supposeth Jerom to refer to this person's edition of the Seventy in another place, beside those formerly taken notice of by me. But it is not fit I should stay to enlarge farther on these matters: I therefore refer to Grabe and others, who have published editions of the Seventy, or written prolegomena, or dissertations upon that version; and to Fabricius, who has a short article, with many good hints relating to the labours both of Lucian and Hesychius. However, it should be here remembered, that Hesychius put out an edition of the New as well as of the Old Testament. The evidences of this we saw just now in Jerom. IV. There is little if any thing of Lucian remaining. m 1. In the Paschal Chronicle, the author, having shewn the fierceness of the persecution at Nicomedia, adds: Of this innumerable multitude of martyrs the presbyter Lucian writing to ⚫ the Antiochians speaks in these words: "the whole choir of martyrs together salutes you. I take this opportunity to certify you, that Anthimus the bishop has finished the course of his martyrdom." If this be genuine, we have here a part of one of those short epistles intended by St. Jerom. However, it is now the constant opinion of learned men that Anthimus, bishop of Nicomedia, suffered at the beginning of Dioclesian's persecution in 303, and that Lucian did not die before the year 311 or 312. If therefore this letter be his, he must have been at Nicomedia, and in communion with that church, and the martyrs there, when Anthimus suffered. 2. Eusebius assures us, that before Lucian suffered he apologized for the heavenly kingdom in words: and, as before shewn, Rufinus has inserted a speech, as delivered by him; which I see" Huet quotes as Lucian's: and Fabricius thinks it might be taken by Rufinus from the Acts of his martyrdom: but Tillemont is of opinion that it is a speech of Rufinus's own making. P Whether it be Lucian's, or Rufinus's, or in part only the apology of our martyr, with some additions of the historian, I cannot forbear taking some notice of it here, it representing in some measure the just sentiments of those ancient Christians who considered their religion as a divine institution of virtue. It is no secret,' says he, that the God whom we Christians worship, is the one God declared to us by Christ, and by the Holy Ghost inspired in our hearts,' b ૧ I own, that we also once trusted in gods of our own making.--But Almighty God, com • See his canon of Scripture, vol. i. p. 281, 311. Evangelia, quæ falsavit Lucianus, apocrypha. Evangelia, quæ falsavit Hesychius, apocrypha. Gelas. ap. Labb. I. iv. p. 1264. Hod. ubi supr. p. 629. a Mill. Proleg. n. 728. e Vid. Cav. Hist. Lit. Tillem. St. Pierre d'Alexandrie. Art. 10. Mem. T. v. Part. iii. p. 124. et Fabr. Bib. Gr. T. v. p. 279. · Φιλέας τε, και Ησύχιος, και Παχύμιος, και Θεόδωρος, των αμφι την Αιγυπίον εκκλησιων επισκοποι. Hist. Ec. 1. viii. cap. 13, p. 308. C. Basn. Ann. 312, n. 18. h See Tillem. as referred to before, note e. i Citatur alibi editio Hesychiana ab Hieronymo sub titulo Exemplarium Alexandrinorum. Hod. ib. p. 628, f. Conf. Hieron. in. Is. lviii. 11, p. 433. VOL. II. k Vid. Bib. Gr. T. v. p. 278, 279, Conf. eund. ib. T. ii. p. 358, 359. 'See before, p. 111. note . m Περί τετε το απείρε πλήθος των μαρτυρησάντων Λεκιανος πρεσβύτερος Αντιοχεύσι γραφων εδηλο· Ασπάζεται ύμας χορος ἅπας ὁμε μαρτυρων. Συναγγελιζομαι δε ὑμᾶς, ὡς Ανθιμος ὁ παπας τῷ τε μαρτυριο δρόμῳ ετελειώθη. Chr. Pasch. p. 277. C. n Huet Dem. Ev. Prop. iii. sect. viii. p. 30. • Apologiam ad Præsidem ante martyrium A. C. 311. Nicomediæ dictam, cujus meminit Eusebius ix. 6. Rufinus in Latinâ suâ versione ex Actis, ut videtur, martyrii ejus,excerptam exhibet. Fabr. B. G. T. v. p. 279. P See Tillem. as before, p. 145, 146. 9 Fateor, erravimus etiam nos aliquando, et simulacra, quæ finximus, deos cœli ac terræ putabamus auctores. -Verum omnipotens Deus,-errores miseratus humanos, Q 1 miserating the errors of mankind, sent his wisdom into this world, clothed in flesh, to teach us the knowledge of God, who made the heavens and the earth, who is eternal and invisible. He moreover gave us a rule of life, and delivered to us the precepts of righteousness: he taught us to practise sobriety, to rejoice in poverty, to be very meek, to be willing to suffer, to preserve the purity of our minds, and to be patient at all times. He likewise foretold the things which have since happened to us; that we should be brought before kings and rulers, and be slaughtered as victims: for which cause also, though he was immortal, as being the Word and Wisdom of God, he yielded himself to death, that whilst he was in the body he might set us an example of patience. Nor did he deceive us by dying, but on the third day rose again :being innocent, and unspotted, and undergoing death only that he might overcome it by rising again. These things are well attested, and a large part of the world now acknowledgeth the truth of them.' с b 3. There is likewise a Creed, or Formulary of Faith, concerning the Trinity, which is sometimes called Lucian's. Fabricius reckoning up our martyr's works speaks of this among the rest. I shall put his words in the margin: but I am by no means of opinion that this is one of Lucian's little books, or discourses concerning the faith, mentioned by Jerom in his Catalogue: I rather think that Jerom intends Lucian's Apology, made a little before his martyrdom, or some other short treatises in defence of the Christian religion. Rufinus, a contemporary, useth the same word with Jerom, when he introduceth the speech, or apology, which Lucian made before the president at Nicomedia, calling it, A Discourse concerning the Faith; which was not a formulary of the doctrine of the Trinity, but an apology for the Christian religion in general. Bishop Bull readily allowed this Formulary to be Lucian's: but let us consider the testimony of antiquity. Sozomen informs us, that the Eusebians in a synod at Antioch published a Formulary, which they said was Lucian's the martyr.' But Sozomen adds, he did not know whether they spake truth, or whether they endeavoured to recommend their own composition ⚫ under the authority of the martyr:' whereas it seems to me, that if there had been extant any Buch piece of Lucian, Sozomen must have known it. Moreover, the Creed, which Sozomen is supposed to refer to, is at length in Athanasius, Hilary, and Socrates: but they none of them call it Lucian's; nor do they say that it was published as his. In one of the five Dialogues concerning the Holy Trinity, the age of which is not certainly known, except that they could not be written much before the end of the fourth century, the Macedonian asks the Orthodox, if he believed as the blessed Lucian did? to which the Orthodox answers, he believes as did all the martyrs and apostles. The Macedonian asks again, whether he would subscribe Lucian's Formulary; or, whether there was in it any thing which he condemned? the Orthodox then tells him, that he dislikes the addition which his friends had made, and that he could prove it. to be an addition of theirs. There does not then appear to be sufficient reason to consider that Formulary as Lucian's. e f V. This brings us at length to a difficult question, which cannot well be omitted, relating to Lucian's belief in the Trinity. We have seen divers testimonies very favourable to him in Eusebius, Chrysostom, Jerom, Rufinus, Sozomen. His edition of the Seventy was esteemed by many. His memory was honoured by Constantine and others; nor is there in Jerom or Atha Sapientiam suam misit in hunc mundum carne vestitam, quæ nos doceret Deum, qui cœlum fecit et terram, non in manufactis, sed in æternis atque invisibilibus, requirendum. Vitæ enim nobis leges, ac disciplinæ præcepta constituit; servare parsimoniam, paupertate gaudere, mansuetudinem colere, studere pati, puritatem cordis complecti, patientiam custodire. Sed et omnia hæc, quæ nunc adversum nos geritis, ventura nobis esse prædixit; educendos nos ad reges, et ante tribunalia a Præterea, brevis fidei formula--exstat apud Athanasium de Synodis――T. i. p. 892, et Socratem. ii. 10, quamque Synodi Antiochena (A. C. 341) patres, Luciani esse affirmant, apud Sozomenum, iii. 5. Fabr. Bib. Gr. T. v. p. 279. b Tum ille, datâ sibi facultate dicendi, hujusmodi orationem de fide nostrâ habuisse dicitur. Rufin. ubi supr. c Def. Fid. Nie. cap. 3. sect. ii. n. 6. Ελεγον δε ταυτην την πισιν ὁλογραφον εύρηκεναι Λυκιανό, ποτερον δε αληθως ταύτα εφασαν, ή την ιδίαν γραφήν σεμνο ποιέντες του αξιωματι το μαρτυρος, λεγειν εκ έχω. Sozom. 1. iii. c. 5. p. 503. A. d judicum statuendos, ac velut victimam jugulandos. Inde est denique, quod et ipse qui erat immortalis, utpote Verbum et Sapientia Dei, moiti se præbuit, quo nobis in corpore positus patientiæ præberet exemplum. Sed nec nos suâ morte decepit, quibus post tertium diem resurrexit: non, ut ista, quæ nunc falso conscribuntur, continent Acta Pilati; sed innocens, immaculatus et purus, ad hoc solum mortem suscepit, ut eam vinceret resurgendo. Quæ autem dico, non sunt in obscuro gesta loco, nec testibus indigent. Pars pene jam mundi major Huic veritati adstipulatur, urbes integra. Eus. H. E. Vers. Buf. 1. ix. c. 6. p. 202. De Synod. T. i. p. 735, 736. Hilar. de Synod. p. 1168, 1169, Conf. ib. not. '. p. 1168, Ed. Bened * Socrat. l. ii. c. 10. * Κατεγνων της προσθήκης, ής προσεθήκατε και εχω dažais ότι προσεθήκατε ενάντια αυτής. De S. Trin. Dial. iii. ap. Athan, T. i. p. 507. B. Ed. Bened. d с nasius any censure passed upon his faith. Who could have thought that there should be any reason to doubt whether Lucian was orthodox? and yet it is questioned: for Arius concludes his letter to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, calling him Collucianist: the reason of which seems to be what is said by Epiphanius, that Lucian and Eusebius had lived together in Nicomedia and Arius I think must have supposed them of one opinion, and of the same opinion with himself. Epiphanius in his Anchoret says, that Lucian and all the Lucianists denied that the Son of God took a soul, and taught that he took flesh only. Again, in the same work, he speaks of the Lucianists and Arians as one sect: and in his Panarium, in his article of the old Lucianists, he distinguisheth between the ancient Lucian, follower of Marcion, and Lucian who lived, he says, in the time of Constantine, whom the Arians call a martyr, and who was inclined to the Arian heresy. According to Philostorgius, Eusebius of Nicomedia, and others of the chief of the Arians, were disciples of Lucian; Maris of Chalcedon, Theognis of Nice, Leontius of Antioch, Asterius the sophist, and others; which induced Du Pin to say that all the heads of that party were Lucian's disciples: and, not to add any thing more, Alexander in his letter to his namesake of Constantinople says, that Lucian, succeeding [or following] Paul ⚫of Samosata, remained for a long time, during three bishops, excommunicated,' or separated from the church: those three bishops are supposed to be Domnus, Timæus, and Cyril; which last was succeeded by Tyrannus. i f Learned men are not agreed in their interpretation of those words; some supposing them to mean that * Lucian, following the sentiments of Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch, separated himself from the communion of the church: others, that he was by three successive bishops excluded from communion. It is, however, the general opinion of learned moderns, that Lucian did not always continue separated, or excommunicated: they agree in supposing that those words of Alexander afford reason to conclude that Lucian returned, or was restored to the catholic communion before his death; and probably, in the beginning of the episcopate of Tyrannus, who "succeeded Cyril about the year 297, near the end of the third century, or however before Dioclesian's persecution, which began in February 303. That passage of Alexander would lead us to think that Lucian was in the sentiments, or at least in the interests, of Paul of Samosata; and that for some reasons he greatly disliked the act of the council which deposed Paul. And there are other things which may be reckoned of some moment: for in the former part of the Creed ascribed to Lucian there are some expressions which seem over-orthodox; insomuch that bishop Bull could not forbear to say, they are stronger than any used by the council of Nice: and, if so, others may be apt to conclude they must be Sabellian; though in the latter part of the same Creed are expressions favourable to * συλλεκιάνικα, αληθως Ευσεβίε. ap. Epiph. Η. 69. p. 732. Α. άμα Λυκιανῳ εν Νικομηδείᾳ συμβεβιωκως. Epiph. ib. p. 730. B.. • Λυκιανος γαρ, και παντες Λεκιανιςαι αρνείται τον ύιον τα Θες ψυχήν ειληφέναι σαρκα μεν μόνον φασιν εσχηκεναι. κ. λ. Epiph. Ancor. n. xxxiii. T. ii. p. 38. C. Ib. n. xxxv. p. 40. D. • Λυκιανος τις αρχαιος, εκ ὁ νυν εν χρόνοις Κωνσαντινε τε γέροντος γεγονως, εν δηθεν οι Αρειανοι εν μαρτυσιν επιψηφιζον ται ην γαρ και ἔτος ὁ Λεκιανος, φημι, προσανεχων τη των Αρειανων αίρεσει. Epiph. Η. 43. n. i. p. 378. * Ότι τότε το μάρτυρος πολλές μεν και αλλες μαθητας αναγράφει, οἷς και Ευσεβίον τον Νικομηδείας, και Μαριν τον Χαλκηδόνος, κ. λ. Philost. 1. ii. c. xiv. p. 475. A. Vid. ib. c. 12, 13, p. 474, et c. 3, p. 470. * Ον διαδεξάμενος Λεκιανος αποσυνάγωγος εμεινε τριων επισκόπων πολυετείς χρονες. Alex, ap. Thart. H. E. L. i, c. 4. p. 15. B. Vid. Hieron. Chr. p. 176, 177. Antiochiæ decimus nonus constituitur episcopus Tyrannus. ib. p. 179. * Causa itaque schismatis Luciani fuit doctrina Pauli Samosateni, quam defendebat; cujus gratiâ diu separavit se a tribus episcopis Antiochenis, Domno scilicet, Timao, ac Cyrillo, qui sibi invicem successere. Pagi Ann. 311, n. xi. Cæterum hujus verbi αποσυνάγωγος έμεινε, κ. λ. vim non intel• lexere interpretes, quos secutus Baronius scribit, Lucianum a tribus episcopis sibi continue succedentibus, ecclesia ejectum fuisse. Atqui hoc non dicit Alexander, sed tantum ait, Lu cianum schisma fecisse in Antiochensi ecclesiâ, et sub tribus m Tandem vero ad unitatem ecclesiæ reversus est Lucianus, nt ex Alexandro colligitur. Pagi Ann. 311, n. xii. Extra dubium igitur est, Lucianum in errorem incidisse, ex quo tamen, Deo favente, tandem emersisse putamus. Basn. ubi supra. n See Tillem. in St. Lucien, p. 149. and note 4, Mem. T. v. P. iii. • See before, vol. i. p. 627. P Imo pene ausim affirmare, absolutam Filii divinitatem aliquatenus in Lucianæo Symbolo efficacius et significantius exprimi, quam in ipso Nicæno. Quippe verba illa, Deum ex Deo, totum ex toto, perfectum ex perfecto, quæ confessionis Lucianææ sunt, perfectam Filii divinitatem, et æqualem paternæ naturam, disertius annuntiant, quam ista Nicæni Symboli, &c. Def. Fid. Nic. p. 146. 9 Των ονομάτων εχ άπλως, εδε αργων κειμένων, αλλά στη μαινόντων ακριβως την ιδίαν έκασε των ονομαζομένων ὑπος απιν τε και δόξαν και ταξιν ὡς είναι τη μεν ύποςάσει τρία, τη de cuppuria v. ap. Socr. L. ii. c. 10. p. 88. A. a Arianism; which may be what the Orthodox Christian, in the Dialogue before referred to, calls an addition, and says is contrary to Lucian's Creed: meaning, perhaps, the former part of it. Moreover, it may be thought by some that Lucian, in the speech preserved by Rufinus, speaks not of the Word, or Logos, as a distinct person, but only as the wisdom of God. But how shall we reconcile this with the high esteem paid to Lucian by the Arians of the fourth century? For certainly Paulianism, or Sabellianism, and Arianism, are very different: it would likewise be hard to conceive how Eusebius, who was exceedingly averse to the Sabellian scheme, should say that Lucian was an excellent man in all respects. Upon the whole, it is very difficult to reconcile the accounts concerning Lucian, or to determine where his fault lay, if he was guilty of any. As the Arians in general, and many catholics of the fourth century, shewed a great regard to the name of Lucian, some may be apt to infer there must have been two persons of that name; but that is an opinion which does not seem to be at all countenanced by antiquity; and we are, I think, obliged to suppose one and the same person to be intended all along. VI. Whether Lucian's opinion concerning the Trinity, particularly concerning the Word, was the same with that which is now reckoned orthodox, or not, which is a point not easily decided; we have seen other accounts of him which are unquestioned: and all must be satisfied that he was a pious, learned and diligent man; that he believed Jesus to be a divine teacher and the Christ. Lucian made out an edition both of the Old and the New Testament: Jerom indeed does not commend this last, Lucian having admitted into his copies some readings and passages which he did not reckon genuine as this is the only fault found by Jerom, it may be concluded that the work was unexceptionable in other respects; or at least that Lucian's canon of the scriptures of the New Testament was much the same with that of other Christians. And every serious reader, I presume, has with joy observed this additional testimony to the truth of the Christian religion, which this presbyter of Antioch asserted and adorned by the virtues and literary labours of his life, and by a death worthy of praise. CHAP. LIX. PAMPHILUS, PRESBYTER OF CÆSAREA. I. His history, and testimonies to him. II. An account of some others who suffered martyrdom about the same time with Pamphilus. III. Of the library erected by Pamphilus at Cæsarea. IV. An edition of the Seventy by him and Eusebius from Origen's Hexapla. V. Books transcribed from others in that library, still remaining. VI. A school said to be set up by him at Cæsarea. VII. His Apology for Origen. VIII. Contents of the Acts of the apostles, composed by Pamphilus, or Euthalius. IX. His character. X. Critical remarks upon pretended acts of his passion. I. PAMPHILUS ba presbyter, friend of Eusebius bishop of Cæsarea, had such an affection for the divine library, or had such a desire to form a well-furnished ecclesiastical library] that a с Though I have argued as above, I certainly do not take any part of the Creed ascribed to Lucian to be his. b Pamphilus presbyter, Eusebii Cæsariensis episcopi necessarius, tanto bibliothecæ divinæ amore flagravit, ut maximam partem Origenis voluminum suâ manu descripserit, quæ usque hodie in Cæsariensi bibliothecâ habentur. Sed et in duodecim prophetas viginti quinque new volumina manu ejus exarata repperi, quæ tanto amplector et servo gaudio, ut Crœsi opes habere me credam. Si enim lætitia est unam epistolam habere martyris, quanto magis tot millia versuum, quæ mihi videtur sui sanguinis signâsse vestigiis? Scripsit, antequam Eusebius scriberet, Apologeticum pro Origene, et passus est Cæsareæ Palæstinæ sub persecutione Maximini. Hier. de V.I.c.75. с had such an affection for the divine library.] That is a literal translation, but the meaning is not very obvious. The phrase occurs again in the chapter of Eusebius, who, as Jerom there says, was very studious in the scriptures, and with Pamphilus a diligent searcher of the divine library in scripturis studiosissimus, et bibliothecæ divinæ, cum Pamphilo martyre, diligentissimus pervestigator. Upon both those places Fabricius says, that thereby is to be understood the sacred scriptures, and refers to Martianay's Prolegomena to the first tome of St. Jerom's works. Cave understood the phrase in the same manner; for speaking of Pamphilus he says Tanto erga divinas literas studio exarsit, ut bibliothecam Cæsareæ exstruxerit. Hist. Lit. And Trithemius de Ser. he wrote out with his own hand the greatest part of Origen's works, which are still in the library of Cæsarea; and besides I have met with five-and-twenty volumes of Origen's Com-' ⚫mentaries upon the twelve prophets in his hand-writing; which I value and keep as if I had the treasures of Croesus. For if it be a pleasure to possess one single epistle of a martyr, how • much more must it be to have so many thousand lines, which he seems to me to have marked with the traces of his blood? He wrote before Eusebius of Cæsarea an Apology for Origen, ⚫ and suffered at Cæsarea in Palestine in the persecution of Maximin.' So writes Jerom in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical writers. I have placed this at the beginning as a summary of the life of this excellent person: I shall add more from him, as well as from other ancient writers, presently. a b Pamphilus flourished, according to Cave, about the year 294; he was put into prison in the year 307, and accomplished his martyrdom in 309. Eusebius, speaking of Pamphilus, and some others, says they suffered after they had been imprisoned two whole years; but it is supposed by learned moderns that Pamphilus lay in prison only a year and some months, from the latter end of the year 307 to the 16th of February 309. с с d In the Acts of Pamphilus, in Simeon Metaphrastes, which Valesius supposed to be taken from Eusebius, and Tillemont allows to be in the main right, it is said that Pamphilus was a native of Berytus, and there received the first rudiments of learning and in Photius he is said to have been educated by Pierius. For my own part, I think that neither of these accounts is' to be relied upon: but, admitting the truth of them, it must be supposed, I think, that Pamphilus having made some progress in learning at Berytus, his native city, afterwards completed his studies at Alexandria, and then settled at Cæsarea, where he certainly resided a great part of his life. h From this person Eusebius received the surname of Pamphilus, or Pamphili. In the Ec. c. 47. Pamphilus--tantos eo tempore apud Cæsaream libros amore Scripturarum congregavit, ut in omni tempore nulla bibliotheca celebrior extiterit. Honorius, c. 76, et 82, copies Jerom exactly, and therefore is of no service to us. Sophronius translates literally, Salas Bieriotguns. Martianay, to whom Fabricius refers, says: Apud veteres bibliothecæ divinæ nomen obtinebant sacra volumina, quæ nunc temporis Biblia vocamus. Proleg. i. n. 1. But his proofs are not sufficient; his examples are not very numerous; one of them is that above concerning Eusebius. I here take notice of another of them: Eodem sensu Hieronymus Ep 89. ad Augustinum, vetus instrumentum, seu volumina ejusdem vocat ecclesiarum bibliothecas. Vis, inquit, amator esse verus septuaginta interpretum? Non legas ea quæ sub asteriscis sunt, imo rade de voluminibus, ut veterum te fautorem probes: Quod si feceris, omnes ecclesiarum bibliothecas damnare cogeris: vix enim unus aut alter liber invenitur, qui ista non habeat. But I think the phrase ought there to be understood in its own natural sense, to denote the libraries of the churches, containing copies of the Old and Tew Testament. All churches had copies of the scriptures, and the repositories in which they were lodged might be called libraries: besides, some churches had large collections of books, and many copies of the scriptures; as the churches at Jerusalem and Cæsarea : which last library, as Jerom expressly says in a passage to be cited by and by, was dedicated to that church by Pamphilus. Such a library there was likewise at Hippoo in Africa in Augustine's time: Ecclesiæ bibliothecam, omnesque codices diligenter posteris custodiendos seinper jubebat. Possid. in Vit. Aug. c. 31. And the word is used of the repository of a church which could not have it in many books. Posteaquam perventum est in bibliothecam, inventa sunt ibi armaria inania. Act. Purgat. Cæcil. ap. Du Pin. Optat. p. 168, a. f. There is another passage of Jerom, where, as I think, the phrase ought to be interpreted in the same manner: Revolve omnium, quos supra memoravi, commentarios, et ecclesiarum bibliothecis fruere, et magis concitato gradu ad optata cœptaque pervenies. Ad Pamm. ep. 31, [al. 52,] p. 244. in. Farther, if by the divine library we understand the sacred scriptures, we shall charge Jerom with a trifling tautology in his chapter of Eusebius: and it is observable that Jerom, commending ancient Christian writers, often mentions their diligence in studying the scriptures, or their skill in them, and always speaks plainly; but never useth this phrase, except in the chapters of Pamphilus and Eusebius: probably therefore he refers to their care in furnishing the library at Cæsarea, which consisted of copies of the scriptures, and commentaries upon them, and other works of Christian writers, as well as works of profane authors. A passage of Jerom in a letter to Marcella, speaking of that library, leads us directly to this sense. Beatus Pamphilus, quum Demetrium--in sacræ bibliotheca studio vellet æquare,--tunc vel maxime Origenis libros impensius prosequutus, Cæsariensi ecclesiæ dedicavit. Ad Marcell. T. fi. col. 711. In my edition of Morer's Dictionary, which is called the tenth, printed in 1717, the article of Pamphilus begins in this manner: S. Pamphile avoit tant d'amour pour les livres, qu'il recueillet une très-belle bibliothéque. St. Pamphilus was so great a lover of books, that he collected a very handsome library; which, in short, I think, is what Jerom intends to say; that Pamphi'lus was so ambitious of making a numerous collection of authors, and especially of having a large and well furnished ' library of Christian ecclesiastical writings, that he spared no cost or pains to obtain his end, and even wrote out with his ' own hand many copies of such books.' Therefore, finally, the connection confirms my interpretation. a Vid. Cav. H. L. in Pamphilo. Ruinart Acta Mart. p. 323, 324, 325. • Τείοις επι της ειρκτης ετών δυειν όλων χρονον κατατρίψασιν. Eus. de Mart. Pal. c. 11, p. 337. A. See Tillem. Mem. T. v. P. iii. S. Pamphile, p. 68. et d Vid. Vales. Ann. in Eus. p. 179, 180. note iii. с Tillem. ib. P. 55. Atque ortus quidem erat ex Berytensium civitate, ubi in primâ ætate educatus fuit in illis, quæ illic erant, studiis literariis. Ex Sim. Met. ap. Vales. ib. p. 180. Conf. Fabric. Hippol. T. ii. p. 220, m. Vid. Phot. Cod. 118, f. et 119, in. p. 300, * ό τε ίερος Παμφίλος, και ο εξ αυτό χρηματίζων Ευσέβιος. Socr. 1. iii. c. 7, p. 175. B. Teyove de xai Tys Пlappida ta |