got that the United States are without the better. The envy with which its what certainly fixes and accentuates the holder is regarded diminishes, society is division between rich and poor the dis. safer. I think whatever may be said of the tinction of classes. Not only have they worship of the almighty dollar in America, not the distinction between noble and it is indubitable that rich men are regarded bourgeois, between aristocracy and middle there with less envy and hatred than rich class; they have not even the distinction men are in Europe. Why is this? Bebetween bourgeois and peasant or artisan, cause their condition is less fixed, because between middle and lower class. They government and legislation do not take have nothing to create it and compel their them more seriously than other people, recognition of it. Their domestic service make grandees of them, aid them to found is done for them by Irish, Germans, families and endure. With us, the chief Swedes, negroes. Outside domestic ser-holders of property are grandees already, vice, within the range of conditions which and every rich man aspires to become an American may in fact be called upon a grandee if possible. And therefore an to traverse, he passes easily from one sort English country gentleman regards bimof occupation to another, from poverty to self as part of the system of nature; gov. riches, and from riches to poverty. "No ernment and legislation have invited him one of his possible occupations appears so to do. If the price of wheat falls so degrading to him or makes him lose caste ; low that his means of expenditure are and poverty itself appears to him as in greatly reduced, he tells you that if this convenient and disagreeable rather than lasts he cannot possibly go on as a coudas humiliating. When the immigrant try gentleman; and every well-bred perfrom Europe strikes root in his new home, son amongst us looks sympathizing and he becomes as the American.

shocked. An American would say: "Why It may be said that the Americans, when should he?". The Conservative newspa. they attained their independence, had not pers are fond oí giving us, as an argument the elements for a division into classes, for the game.laws, the plea that without and that they deserve no praise for not them a country gentleman could not be having invented one. But I am not now induced to live on bis estate. An Ameri. contending that they deserve praise for can would say: "What does it matter?” their institutions, I am saying how well Perhaps to an English ear this will sound their institutions work. Considering, in- brutal; but the point is that the American deed, how rise are distinctions of rank and does not take his rich man so seriously as class in the world, how prone men in we do ours, does not make him into a general are to adopt them, how much the grandee; the thing, if proposed to him, Americans themselves, beyond doubt, are would strike him as an absurdity. I suscapable of feeling their attraction, it shows, pect that Mr. Winans himself, the AmeriI think, at least strong good sense in the can millionaire who adds deer-forest to Americans to have forborne from all at. deer-forest, and will not suffer a cottier to tempt to invent them at the outset, and to keep a pet lamb, regards his own performhave escaped or resisted any fancy for ance as a colossal stroke of American inventing them since. But evidently the humor, illustrating the absurdities of the United States constituted themselves, not British system of property and privilege. amid the circumstances of a feudal age, Ask Mr. Winans if he would promote the but in a modern age; not under the con- introduction of the British game-laws into ditions of an epoch favorable to subordi- the United States, and he would tell you nation, but under those of an epoch of with a merry laugh that the idea is ridicuexpansion. Their institutions did but lous, and that these British follies are for comply with the form and pressure of the bome consumption. circumstances and conditions then pres- The example of France must not mis. ent. A feudal age, an epoch of war, de. lead us. There the institutions, an obfence, and concentration, needs centres of jector may say, are republican, and yet the power and property, and it reinforces division and hatred between rich and poor property by joining distinctions of rank is intense. True; but in France, though and class with it. Property becomes more the institutions may be republican, the honorable, more solid. And in feudal ideas and morals are not republican. In ages this is well, for its changing hands America not only are the institutions easily would be a source of weakness. republican, but the ideas and morals But in ages of expansion, where men are prevailingly republican also. They are bent that every one shall have his chance, those of a plain, decent middle class. The the more readily property changes hands ideal of those who are the public instruc


tors of the people is the ideal of such a Maine and M. Scherer tell us that de. class. In France the ideal of the mass of mocracy is "merely a form of govern. popular journalists and popular writers of ment," we may observe to them that it is fiction, who are now practically the public in the United States a form of govern. instructors there, is, if you could see their ment in which the community feels itself hearts, a Pompadour or Du Barry régime, in a natural condition and at ease; in with themselves for the part of Faublas. which, consequently, it things With this ideal prevailing, this vision of straight and sees them clear. the objects for which wealth is desirable, More than half one's interest in watchthe possessors of wealth become hateful ing the English people of the United to the multitude which toils and endures, States comes, of course, from the bearing and society is undermined. This is one of what one finds there upon things at of the many inconveniences which the home, amongst us English people ourFrench have to suffer from that worship selves in these islands. I have frankly of the great goddess Lubricity to which recorded what struck me and came as they are at present vowed. Wealth exmost new to me in the condition of the cites the most savage enmity there, be- English race in the United States. I had cause it is conceived as a means for grati: said beforehand, indeed, that I supposed fying appetites of the most selfish and the American Philistine was a livelier sort vile kind. But in America Faublas is no of Philistine than ours, because he had more the ideal than Coriolanus. Wealth not that pressure of the barbarians to is no more conceived as the minister to stunt and distort bim which befalls his the pleasures of a class of rakes, than as English brother here. But I did not forethe minister to the magnificence of a class see how far his superior liveliness and of nobles. It is conceived as a thing naturalness of condition, in the absence: which almost any American may attain, of that pressure, would carry the Ameri. and which almost every American will use can Philistine. I still use my old name: respectably. Its possession, therefore, Philistine, because it does in fact seem to does not inspire hatred, and so I return me as yet to suit the bulk of the commu.. to the thesis with which I started nity over there, as it suits the strong cenAmerica is not in danger of revolution. tral body of the community here. But in: The division between rich and poor is my mouth the name is hardly a reproach,. alleged to us as a cause of revolution so clearly do I see the Philistine's neces. which presently, if not now, must operate sity, so willingly I own his merits, so there, as elsewhere; and yet we see that much I find of him in myself. The Amerthis cause has not there, in truth, the ican Philistine, however, is certainly far characters to which we are elsewhere ac. more different from his English brother customed.

than I had beforehand supposed. And' A people homogeneous, a people which on that difference we English of the old had to constitute itself in a modern age, country may with great profit turn our an epoch of expansion, and which has regards for a while, and I am now going given to itself institutions entirely fitted to speak of it. for such an age and epoch, and which suit Surely if there is one thing more than it perfectly – a people not in danger of another' which all the world is saying of war from without, not in danger of revolu- our community at present, and of which tion from within such is the people of the truth cannot well be disputed, it is the United States. The political aod so this: that we act like people who do not cial problem, then, we must surely allow think straight and see clear.. I know that that they solve successfully. There re. the Liberal newspapers used to be fond mains, I know, the humao problem also; of saying that what characterized our the solution of that too has to bet.consid. Iniddle class was its “ clear, manly intelli.. ered; but I shall come to that hereafter. gence, penetrating through sophisms, My point at present is, that politically ignoring commonplaces, and giving to and socially the United States are a com- conventional illusions their true value.” munity living in a natural condition, and Many years ago I took alarm at seeing the conscious of living in a natural condition. Daily News and the Morning Star, like And being in this healthy case, and having Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah, thus this healthy consciousness, the commu. making horns of iron for the middle class nity there uses its understanding with the and bidding it “Go up and prosper!”and soundness of health; it in general sees its my first efforts as a writer on public mat. political and social concerns straight, and ters were prompted by a desire to utter, sees them clear. So that when Sir Henry like Micaiah the son of Imlah, my pro.


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test against these misleading assurances Well, theo, our greatest institution, the of the false prophets. And though often House of Commons, we cannot say is at and often smitien on the cheek, just as present working, like the American josti. Micaiah was, still I persevered; and at tutions, easily and successfully. Suppose the Royal Institution I said how we now pass to Ireland. I will not ask if seemed to founder and to beat the air, our institutions work easily aod success. and at Liverpool I singled out as our chief fully in Ireland; to ask such a question want the want of lucidity. But now every would be too bitter, too cruel a mockery. body is really saying of us the same Those hateful cases which have been tried thing: that we fumble because we cannot in the Dublin courts this last year suggest make up our mind, and that we cannot the dark and ill-omened word which applies make up our mind because we do not know to the whole state of Ireland - anti-natwhat to be after. If our foreign policy is ural. Anti-natural, anti-nature – that not that of "the British Pbilistine, with is the word which rises irresistibly in my his likes and dislikes, his effusion and mind as I survey Ireland. Everything is confusion, his hot and cold fits, his want unnatural there the proceedings of the of dignity and of the steadfastness which English who rule, the proceedings of the comes from dignity, his want of ideas and Irish who resist. But it is with the work. of the steadfastness which comes from ing of our English institutions there that ideas," then all the world at the present I am now concerned. It is unnatural that time is, it must be owned, very much mis. Ireland should be governed by Lord taken.

Spencer and Mr. Campbell Bannerman Let us not, therefore, speak of foreign as unnatural as for Scotland to be gov. affairs; it is needless, because the thing erned by Lord Cranbrook and Mr. Healy. I wish to show is so manifest there to It is unnatural that Ireland should be everybody. But we will consider matters governed under a Crimes Act. But there at home.' Let us take the present state is necessity, replies the government. of the House of Commons. Can anything Well, then, if there is such evil necessity, be more confused, more unnatural?' That it is unnatural that the Irish newspapers assembly has got into a condition utterly should be free to write as they write and embarrassed, and seems impotent to bring the Irish members to speak as they speak itself right. The members of the House – free to inflame and further exasperate themselves may find entertainment in the a seditious people's minds, and to promote personal incidents which such a state of the continuance of the evil necessity. A confusion is sure to bring forth abundant. necessity for the Crimes Act is a necessity ly, and excitement in the opportunities for absolute government. By our patchthus often offorded for the display of Mr. work proceedings we set up, indeed, a Gladstone's wonderful powers. But to make believe of Ireland's being coosti. any judicious Englishman outside the tutionally governed. But it is not conHouse the spectacle is simply an afllicting stitutionally governed; nobody supposes and humiliating one; the sense aroused it to be constitutionally governed, except, by it is not a sense of delight at Mr. Glad. perhaps, that born swallower of all clap. stone's tireless powers, it is rather a sense trap, the British Philistine. The Irish of disgust at their having to be so exer- themselves, the all-important personages cised. Every day the House of Commons in this case, are not taken in; our makedoes not sit judicious people feel relief, believe does not produce in them the very every day that it sits they are oppressed least gratitude, the very least softening. with apprehension. Instead of being an At the same time it adds an hundred fold edifying influence, as such an assembly to the difficulties of an absolute goveroought to be, the House of Commons is at ment. present an influence which does harm; it The working of our institutions being sets an example which rebukes and cor- thus awry, is the working of our thoughts rects none of the nation's faults, but rather upon them more smooth and natural? I encourages them. The best thing to be imagine to myself an American, his own done at present, perhaps, is to avert one's institutions and his habits of thought beeyes froin the House of Commons as much ing such as we have seen, listening to us as possible; if one keeps on constantly as we talk politics and discuss the sirained watching it welter in its baneful confusion, state of things over here. “ Certainly one is likely to fall into the fulminating these men have considerable difficulties," style of the wrathful Hebrew prophets, he would say; “but they never look at and to call it "an astonishment, a hissing, them straight, they do not think straight.” and a curse."

Who does not admire the fine qualities of

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Lord Spencer? - and I, for my part, am | Harrison's intellectual power, not, per-
quite ready to admit that he may require haps, to have in the exuberance of youth.
for a given period not only the present ful energy weighted himself for the race of
Crimes Act, but even yet more stringent life by taking up a grotesque old French
powers of repression. For a given period, pedant upon his shoulders, but to have
yes ! – but afterwards? Has Lord Sped insisted, in middle age, in taking up the
cer any clear vision of the great, the pro. Protestant Dissenters too; and now, when
found changes still to be wrought before he is becoming elderly, it seems as if noth.
a stable and prosperous society can arise ing would serve him but he must add the
in Ireland ? Has he even any ideal for Peace Society to his load! How per-
the future there, beyond that of a time verse, yet again, in Mr. Herbert Spencer,
when he can go to visit Lord Kenmare, at the very moment when past neglects
or any other great landlord who is his and present needs are driving men to
friend, and find all the tenants punctually co-operation, to making the community
paying their rents, prosperous and defer. act for the public good in its collective
ential, and society in Ireland settling and corporate character of the State, how
quietly down again upon the old basis? perverse to seize this occasion for pro.
And he might as well hope to see Strong. mulgating the extremest doctrine of indi.
bow come to life again ! Which of us vidualism; and not only to drag this dead
does not esteem and like Mr. Trevelyan, horse along the public road himse but to
and rejoice in the high promise of his induce Mr. Auberon Herbert to devote his
career? And how all his friends ap- days to flogging it!
plauded when he turned upon the exasper; We think thus unaccountably because
ating and insulting Irish members, and we are living in an unnatural and strained
told them that he was “an English gen- state. We are like people whose vision
tleman”! Yet, if one thinks of it, Mr. is deranged by their looking through a
Trevelyan was thus telling the Irish turbid and distorting atmosphere, or whose
members simply that he was just that movements are warped by the cramping
which Ireland does not want, and which of some unnatural constraint.

Let us just can do her no good. England, to be sure, ask ourselves, looking at the thing as peohas given Ireland plenty of her worst, but ple simply desirous of finding the truth, she has also given her not scantily of her how men who saw and thought straight best. Ireland has had no insufficient would proceed, how an American, for in. supply of the English gentleman, with his instance whose seeing and thinking has, honesty, personal courage, high bearing, I have said, if not in all matters, yet comgood intentions, and limited vision; what monly in political and social concerns, this she wants is statesmen with just the qual. quality of straightness – how an American ities which the typical English gentleman would proceed in the three confusions has not — - flexibility, openness of mind, a which I have given as instances of the free and large view of things.

many confusions now embarrassing us: Everywhere we shall find in our think the confusion of our foreign affairs, the ing a sort of warp inclining it aside of the confusion of the House of Commons, the real mark, and thus depriving it of value. confusion of Ireland. And then, when we The common run of peers who write to have discovered the kind of proceeding the Times about reform of the House of natural in these cases, let us ask ourselves, Lords one would not much expect, per- with the same sincerity, what is the cause haps, to “understand the signs of this of that warp of mind hipdering most of us time.” But even the Duke of Argyll, de- from seeing straight in them, and also livering his mind about the land question where is our remedy. in Scotland, is like one seeing, thinking, The Angra Pequeña business has lately and speaking in some other planet than called forth from all sides many and harsh

A man of even Mr. John Morley's animadversions upon Lord Granville, who gifts is provoked with the House of is charged with the direction of our for. Lords, and straightway he declares him- eign affairs. I shall not swell the chorus self against the existence of a second of complainers. Nothing has happened chamber at all; although – if there be but what was to be expected. Long ago such a thing as demonstration in politics I remarked that it is not Lord Granville the working of the American Senate de himself who determines our foreign policy monstrates a well-composed second cham- and shapes the declarations of government ber to be the very need and safeguard of concerning it, but a power behind Lord a modern democracy. What a singular Granville. He and his colleagues would twist, again, in a man of Mr. Frederic call it the power of public opinion. It is


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really the opinion of that great ruling class spokesman. Yet I think the true moral amongst us on which Liberal govern to be drawn is rather, perhaps, this : that ments have hitherto had to depend for our foreigo policy would be improved if support the Philistines or middle class. our whole society were homogeneous. It is not, I repeat, with Lord Granville in As to the confusion in the House of his natural state and force that a foreign Commons, what, apart from defective rules government has to deal; it is with Lord of procedure, are its causes ? First and Granville waiting in devout expectation to foremost, no doubt, the temper and action see how the cat will jump — and that cat of the Irish members. But putting this the British Philistine. When Prince Bis. cause of confusion out of view for a momarck deals with Lord Granville, he finds ment, every one can see that the House of that he is not dealing mind to mind with Commons is far too large, and that it un. an intelligent equal, but that he is dealing dertakes a quantity of business which with a tumult of likes and dislikes, hopes belongs more properly to local assemblies. and fears, stock-jobbing intrigues, mis. The confusion from these causes is one sionary interests, quidnuncs, newspapers which is constantly increasing, because, - dealing, in short, with ignorance behind as the country becomes fuller and more his intelligent equal. Yet ignorant as our awakened, business multiplies, and more Philistine middle class may be, its voli- and more members of the House are in. tions on foreign affairs would have more clined to take part in it. Is not the cure intelligibility and consistency if uttered for this found in a course like that fol. through a spokesman of their own class. lowed in America, in having a much less Coming through a nobleman like Lord numerous House of Commons, and in Granville, who has neither the thoughts, making over a large part of its business habits, nor ideals of the middle class, and to local assemblies, elected, as the House yet wishes to act as proctor for it, they of Commons itself will henceforth be have every disadvantage. He cannot even elected, by household suffrage? I have do justice to the Philistine mind, such as often said that we seem to me to need at it is, for which he is spokesman; he ap- present, in England, three things in espeprehends it uncertainly and expounds it cial: more equality, education for the ineffectively. And so with the house and middle classes, and a thorough municipal lineage of Murdstone thundering at him system. A system of local assemblies is (and these, again, through Lord Derby as but the natural complement of a thorough their interpreter) from the Cape, and the municipal system. Wholes neither too inexorable Prince Bismarck thundering at large nor too small, not necessarily of him from Berlin, the thing naturally ends equal population by any means, but with by Lord Granville at last wringing his characters rendering them in themselves adroit hands and ejaculating disconso. fairly homogeneous and coberent, are the lately: "It is a misunderstanding alto fit units for choosing these local assem. gether !! Even yet more to be pitied, blies. Such units occur immediately to perhaps, was the hard case of Lord Kim. one's mind in the provinces of Ireland, berley after the Majuba Hill disaster. the Highlands and Lowlands of Scotland, Who can ever forget him, poor man, study. Wales north and south, groups of English ing the faces of the representatives of the counties such as present themselves in the Dissenting interest and exclaiming: “A circuits of the judges or under the names sudden thought strikes me! May we not of East Anglia or the Midlands. No one be incurring the sin of blood-guiliiness ?” will suppose me guilty of the pedantry of To this has come the tradition of Lord here laying out definitive districts; I do Somers, the Whig oligarchy of 1688, and but indicate such units as may enable the all'Lord Macaulay's Pantheon.

reader to conceive the kind of basis re. I said that a source of strength to Amer. quired for the local assemblies of which I ica, in political and social concerns, was am speaking. The business of these dis. the homogeneous character of American tricts would be more advantageously done society. An American statesman speaks in assemblies of the kind; they would form with more effect the mind of his fellow- a useful school for the increasing number citizens from his being in sympathy with of aspirants to public life, and the House it, understanding, and sharing it. Cer- of Commons would be relieved. tainly one must admit that if, in our coun. The strain in Ireland would be relieved try of classes, the Philistine middle class too, and by natural and safe means. Irishis really the inspirer of our foreign policy, men are to be found, who, in desperation that policy would at least be expounded at the present state of their country, cry more forcibly if it had a Philistine for its out for making Ireland independent and

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