wrought with black and white wompom, in various figures, and flowers and pictures of many birds and beasts. This, when hanged upon Captain Church's shoulders, reached his ancles; and another belt of wompom he presented him with, wrought after the former manner, which Philip was wont to put upon his head. It had two flags on the back part, which hung down on his back, and another small belt with a star upon the end of it, which he used to hang on his breast, and they were all edged with red hair, which Annawon said they got in the Mohog's country. Then he pulled out two horns of glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. He told Captain Church [that] these were Philip's royalties, which he was wont to adorn himself with, when he sat in state; that he thought himself happy that he had an opportunity to present them to Captain Church, who had won them, &c. [They] spent the remainder of the night in discourse. And [Captain Annawon] gave an account of what mighty success he had [had] formerly in wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, Philip's father, &c.‡ was made a tender by law for the payment of debts “not exceeding 40 shillings, at 8 white or 4 black a penny; this was repealed in 1671." Douglass, I, 437. *Mohawk's. This word is spelt Moohag on page 68. See note 2, of page 68. † How much it is to be lamented that Mr. Church did not preserve the conversation of Annawon at this time. Nothing could have added more value to his history. Thus ended Monday night 28 August. It is unaccountable that Mr. Hubbard fixes no date to this transaction, and the more so, as he wrote so near the time that it took place. It is not without some hesitation that the above is admitted, on account of the disagreements in the narratives. Hubbard, 230, says that Tispaquin came in, in September, and places it before the taking of Annawon, which if our author be correct is a gross mistake. Now it is evident that it was on Monday night from the text, and that there was a moon not long after dark, perhaps an hour or two. This ex In the morning, as soon as it was light, the Captain marched with his prisoners out of that swampy country towards Taunton. [He] met his Lieutenant and company about four miles out of town, who expressed a great deal of joy to see him again, and said, [that] it was more than ever they expected. They went into Taunton, were civilly and kindly treated by the inhabitants. [Here they] refreshed and rested themselves that night. Early next morning, the Captain took old Annawor, and half a dozen of his Indian soldiers, and his own man, and went to Rhodeisland; sending the rest of his company, and his prisoners by his Lieutenant* to Plymouth. Tarrying two or three days upon the island, he then went to Plymouth, and carried his wife and his two children with him. Captain Church had been but a little while at Plymouth, when he was informed of a parcel of Indians who had haunted the woods between Plymouth and Sippican; that did great damage to the English, in killing their cattle, horses, and swine. The Captain was soon in pursuit of them. [He] went out from Plymouth the next Monday in the afternoon, [and] next morning early they discovered a track. The Captain sent two Indians on the track to see what they could discover, whilst he and his company followed gently after. But the two Indians soon returned with tidings, that they discovered the enemy sitting round their fires, in a thick place of brush. When they came pretty near the place, the Captain ordered every man to creep as he did, and surround them by creeping as near as they could, till they should be discovered, and ther actly corresponds with the date given above, because the moon was at the full on the 26 August, and this being two nights after, they would of course have the moon a short time after dark. Mr. Jabez Howland. to run [-] upon them, and take them alive if possible, (for their prisoners were their pay.) They did so, [taking] every one* that were at the fires, not one escaping. Upon examination they agreed in their stories, that they belonged to Tispaquin, who was gone with John Bump,† and one more, to Agawom and Sippicans to kill horses, and were not expected back in two or three days. || This same Tispaquin had been a great Captain, and the Indians reported, that he was such a great Pauwau, that no bullet could enter him, &c. Captain Church said, [that] he would not have him killed, for there was a war** broke out in the eastern part of the country, and he would have him saved to go with him to fight the eastern Indians. Agreeably he left two old squaws, of the prisoners, and bid them tarry there until their Captain, Tispaquin, returned, and to tell him that Church had been there, and had taken his wife and children, and company, and carried them down to Plymouth, and would spare all their lives, and his too, if he would come down to them, and bring the other two that were with him, and they should be his soldiers, &c. Captain Church then returned to Plymouth, leaving the old squaws well provided for, and biscuit for Tispaquin when he returned; telling his soldiers, that he doubted not, but he had laid a trap that * About 50 according to Hubbard, 231. "The place was near Lakenham upon Pocasset neck, so full of bushes that a man could not see a rod before him." Ibid. Nothing more is said of this Indian as I can find. There are respectable white people in Middleborough by this name, from the ancestors of whom he might have derived his name. (Wareham.) § (Rochester.) This was in September. Wizard or conjurer. English writers denominate their priests by this name. ** An account of this war will be given in the Appendix. See No. V. would take him. Captain Church two days after went to Boston, (the commissioners* then sitting) and waited upon the honourable Governour Leverett, who then lay sick. [He] requested Captain Church to give him some account of the war, who readily obliged his honour therein, to his great satisfaction, as he was pleased to express himself; taking him by the hand, and telling him, [that] if it pleased God [that] he lived, he would make it a brace of a hundred pounds advantage to him out of the Massachusetts colony, and would endeavour that the rest of the colonies should do proportionably. But he died within a fortnight after, and so nothing was done of that nature. 1 [who] * I find no mention of any other court in Massachu→ setts at this time, than that called together the 9 August, occasioned by a letter from the King, summoning the colony to appoint commissioners to answer to the complaints of Gorges and Mason, concerning boundaries, &c. See Hist. Mass. I, 280, 281. This and other business, it is probable, kept them together until the time alluded to in our text. † Governour John Leverett came to America with his father in 1638, from Boston in Lincolnshire, England. He was made deputy Governour in 1671, and in 1678, Governour. He continued in the office until his death, which, actording to our author, was in 1676. Dr. Douglass also, in nis Summary, I, 429, says that it was "in the autumn of 1676." It is remarkable, that most, if not all, later historians place his death in 1678, on the authority of Mather, I conclude. In my first edition of this work I followed the Biographical Dictionaries without scruple, but soon discovered the errour. Eliot and Allen, perhaps, followed Mather without hesitation, because Hutchinson did not differ from him. The former part of this note was written previous to the appearance of Mr. Savage's edition of Winthrop's History of Newengland. It there appears, II, 245, note 2, that a letter was received 1677, from the court of England, creating him Knight. This title was never used, which Mr. Savage conjectures various reasons for. But if he were dead before his appointment arrived, that is a sufficient reason. Snow's Hist. Boston, some account of his funeral is given, but under the same date. In The same day* Tispaquin came in, and those that were with him. But when Captain Church returned from Boston, he found, to his grief, the heads of Annawon, Tispaquin, &c.,† cut off which were the last of Philip's friends.‡ The same day that the trap was set. Of †The full import of this &c. is not known. We can only observe, that a great many others at different times were executed, much to the dishonour of those concerned. the numbers of those poor natives that were thus murdered, we must remain ignorant. Melancholy indeed is the reflection, a nation is no more! Thus we behold the instability of all things, acted upon by the exterminating hand of time. The rude government of the natives could not protect them against treachery in an uncommon degree. Their means of support being often scant, and many times nearly cut off, was a great inducement to desertion to the English, where they always fared much better. Hence their first great disaster, at the swamp fight in Narraganset, was owing to a fugitive's leading the English to the only assailable part of the fort; Philip fell by the same foul treachery; and, lastly, Annawon, who, had he been a Roman, would have been called the great. The following lines admirably portray the frailty of man. "Like leaves on trees the race of man is found; POPE'S HOMER. So flourish these, when those are past away.' The conduct of the government in putting to death "Annawon, Tispaquin, &c.," has ever been viewed as barbarous; no circumstance now made it necessary. The Indians were subdued, therefore no example was wanting to deter others. It is true, some were mentioned by the government as unmeriting mercy; but humanity forbade the execution of laws formed only for the emergencies of the moment. Governour Hutchinson observes, "Every person, almost, in the two colonies, [Massachusetts and Plymouth] had lost a relation or near friend, and the people in general were exasperated: but all does not sufficiently excuse this great severity," Hist. Mass. I, 277. Mr. Hubbard, who wrote at the time does not fail to justify all the measures of government. He says that Church promised Tispaquin an office under him, if what he had made |