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that the imprudence of the sufferers is more in fault than the unhealthiness of these tropical regions. Yet while the truth of that assertion may be sately contested by those who have seen the young and the old, the cautious and the rash, the male and the female, almost equally sink beneath the overwhelming violence of disease, that country is as formidable as the most sickly, where the healthiness of our troops is w depend on their predence, a quality never yet found among the privates of a British army.
But Mr. M. after exhausting himself in invectives against the employment of black forces, suddenly extends his view to the dangers which have always, and do now more terribly than ever threaten the West Iudia islands, in the present state of alarm from the enormous over-proportion of their black to their white population. To remove or to lessen this danger is a political problein of the most momentous importance. Nor can any change be safely attempted without the concurrence of the landed proprietors, to obtain which seems one of the principal difficulties of the case. Tbey, deeply interested in the event of every measure, regard through the distorting medium of fear, the proposal of. the gradual emancipation of their slaves, and prefer the present goods of unlimited authority and depopulating laboury to the lesser but more permanent advantages of a secure establishment. With all these circumstances before our eges, to settle a new island with the saine formidable race, seems to Mr. Macalluin a procedure of the most absurd pature and fatal tendency; and since it would not be an easy matter to persuade the nation of the propriety of keeping a valuable possession unpeopled and uncultivated, he proposes to reconcile all difficulties and all parties by a scheme which has at least the merit of novelty. This is nothing less than to transport a due number of his Gaelic compatriots to the western hemisphere, and to relieve the Highlands of Scotland of their superfluous inhabitants in order to people the sugar estates and coffee plantations of Trinidad. To the execution of this proposal the obstructions are not few, nor little formidable. We shall mention only three, and when these are removed, it will be time enough to come forward with more ; First of all, the Highlanders would not go ; secondly, if they went, they would die in multitudes; and lastly, if they went and lived, they could not bear the fatigue of working exposed to the fervour of a tropical sun. To assert that the Scotch Highlanders can bear the heats of the West Indies, and labour there as the negroes now do, because the Assyrians, the Medes, and the Persians, overran the dominions of Asia, because the Phænicians possessed the whole cominerce of the ancients, or because the Palmyrenians, the Carduchi, and the Parthians for å time displayed the virtues or the courage of the northern races, is to bid adieu. to all ideas of just reasoning, and all recollection of the geographical situation of countries. What! does it follow that, because our troops survive the heat of Hindostan, they' inay with equal safety brave the pestilential air of our West Indian islands? Does not that very fact demonstrate that mere heal is not the only enemy of Europeans in these climates, and that no argument drawn from the practices of the east can be applied to the different circumstances of the west? It is indeed but too true, that dangers yet more formidable than those of the latitude and the climate, contribute their fatal influence to extend the mortality : it is unfortunately not deniable that daily victims fall before the deities of negro drivers, debauchery, intoxication, lust, even the vilest incest. What will the unadulterated mind thiok of the boast of inore than one planter, that he has washed a negro white; that he alone being the father, has, from a neó gro woman, produced by repeated incestuous connection with his own offspring, a being for whose atrocious race no language has provided a name, and who cannot be dištinguished from an European in external appearance ?
In soine of the letters in the first part of the voluinė we perceive notices of many interesting subjects regarding the natural history of Trinidad, which are sufficiently important to deserve the perusal of the curious. That island, it has been long known, contains a bituminous lake, of which an account is here given, not from the author's personal observations,but by quoling a description of it by Dr. Anderson. This is certainly ingenuous, and better than vamping up a long narratire in his own name, of things never seen by him; but it would have been still more satisfactory, had our authot estended bis journey to the vicinity of the lake. This mass of Petroleum, we are informed, first appeared about seventy years ago, occupying the place of a spot of land which sunk suddenly: though called a lầke, it is not liquid as might be supposed, unless for an inch on the surface, and that only in the vitrinest weather. Its depth is unknown, no snbstratum having been found. Mr. M. has also given ample details, with tedious and useless botanical descriptions of the various fruits which chiefly deserve notice in Trinio dad. Many other circunstances are noticed, but our author appears in a great hurry to get another pull at his friend Picton, who is ever and anon kept in mind of his approachCRIT. REY, Vol. 7. Jannary, 1806,
ing fate by a growl at some instances of his oppressive condoct. At last the battle fairly commences in the eighth letter, and successive vollies of abuse are discharged at the unfortụnate governor, who here stands a defenceless aim to his enemies. So deeply important are the accusations brought forward, that we feel it impossible in the present circum-. stances to take any cognizance of them. The lovers of the horrible and the extraordinary will here find food for their passion ; and the politician ample scope for the exercise of his judgment. Our jurisdiction, however, extends not beyond the regions of folly ; where crimes are in question, we must bow to the laws of our country, nor .venture by illtimed observations, or necessarily inaccurate opinions, to bias the minds of those to whom the high determination will belong; perhaps it had been well that Mr. Macallum also had. postponed his statement of facts, or presented his first and unwritten thoughts to the consideration of a jury. In these circumstances, however, all parts of these last letters are not found. We may excepl a great deal of the author's account of his own imprisonment, and repeated exaininations before commissioners Picton and Hood. We inust own that according to Mr.M.'s own statement, the insolence of his beliaviour was so great to these gentlemen, that a similar line of conduct would have procured him a lodgement within the walls of a prison, in the freest country in the universe. That he received previous provocations, or that he was unjustly imprisoned, or otherwise bardly dealt with, granting it to be true that these things were so, could form no excuse for such open contempt of the constituted authorities. We only wonder that the vengeance of such a man as General Picton is represented io have been, was restrained within bounds so narrow as to be satished with the imprisonnenţ and banishment of our author, or that the despotic temper of a naval cominander habituated to obedience, bore to be twitted with the insolence of a schoolboy's impertinence. These instances surely add little to the probability of Mr. M.'s story. That gentleman's career being thus ended in Trinidad, ide volume is closed with an account of the extraordinary banishment of Colonel Fullarlon, by the other commissioners froin Tricidad, and his re-establishment by the royal man
to which are added the proclamations of both parties, and the addresses presented successively to the different commissioners by the partisans of each.
Three appendices conclude the work now before us. The second of these is entitled i The llorrors of West India Slaa tery, and is by far the most interesting part perhaps of the
whole book, though it owes its merit not so much to Mr. Macallum, as to the fidelity of its extraction from the records of the House of Commons. Lord Seaforth is governor of Barbadoes, and in a letter to Lord Hobart, laid before parlia- . ment, observes that the assembly of that island had taken offence at him, for recommending to them to make the murder of a slave, felony; at present the fine for that crime is only eleven pounds four shillings. Lord Seaforth's laudable attempts have not yet been successful, and from bis communications, Mr. M. has extracted the account of several instances of extraordinary barbarity, which are in every respect so curious, that we shall give them in his own words to the reader.
'On the 10th of April 1804, a militia man of the name of Halls, of the St. Michael's regiment, (in Barbadoes) returning from military duty, overtook on the road some negroes, who were going quietly home from their labour. When he came near he called oat that he would kill them, and immediately began to run after them. The negroes not supposing that he really intended to do them any injury, and imagining that he was in joke, did not endeavour to escape, but merely made way for him. The person nearest to him happened to be a woman, the property of a Mr. Clarke, the owner of Simmon's estate, who is stated to have been a valuable slave, the inother of five or six children, and far advanced in pregnancy. Without the smallest provocation of any kind, Halls coolly and deliberately plunged his bayonet several times into ker body, when the poor creature dropped and e.rpired without a groan. Two gentlemen were eye-witnesses of this horrid action, one of them, Mr. Harding, the manager of Code rington college estate, went up to Ilalls and spoke harshly to him, and said he ought to be hanged, for he never saw a more unprovoked murder, and that he would certainly carry him before a magistrate. Halls's reply is very remarkable. · For what ?' said he with the utmost indifference as to the crime ; ' for what? FOR KILLING A NEGRO!!!
That this quotation may not extend so far as to prevent another more interesting, we shall
owy words state that it was found impossible io inflict on this wretch any other punishment than a fine of eleven pounds four sbillings, and in prisonment till it was paid ; nay, it is supposed that Halls may lay an action of damages for his commitment before a recovery of the fine !
There are two other instances of the most barbarous and wanton cruelty, one of which we now proceed to quole, 's; leaving the other to afiird food for that curiosity, and fuel for that indignation, which we will not doubt that we have excited. . The second instance produced by Lord Scaforth is not interior
in atrocity to the first. A Mr. Colbeck, who lives overseer on the Cabbage-tree plantation, in St. Lucy's parish, had bought a new negro boy out of the yard, (meaning the slave yard, where negroes are exposed to sale, in the same manner as cattle and sheep in the Smithfield market,) and carried him home. Conceiving a liking to the boy, he took him into the house, and made him wait at table. Mr. Crone, the overseer of Rowe's estate, which is vear to Cabbagetree plantation, was in the habit of visiting Mr. Colbeck, hud noticed the boy, und knew him well. A fire happened one night in the neighbourhood, Colbeck went to give his assistance, and the boy follow, ed him. Colbeck, on his return home, missed the boy, who had lost his way; and as he did not make his appearance the next day,, he sent round to his neighbours, and particularly to Crone, informing him, that his African lad had strayed, that he could not speak a word of English, and possibly he might be found breaking some sugar-canes, or taking something else for his support; in which case he requested they would not injure him, but send him home, and, he would pay any damage the boy might have committed. After a lapse of iwo or three days, the poor creature was discovered in a gully, (or deep water-course) near to Rowe's estate; and a number of negroes were soon assembled about the place. The boy naturally terrified with the threats, the noise, and the appearance of so many people, retreated into a hole in the rock, having a stone in his hand for the purpose probably of defence. By this time Crone, and some other white persons had come up. By their orders a fire was put to the hole where the boy lay, who when he began to be scorched, ran from his hiding place into a pool of water which was near. Some of the negroes pursued him into the pool; and the boy, it is said, threw the stone which he held in his hand at one of them. On this, two of the white men, Crone and Hollingsworth, fired at the boy sereral times with shot, and the negroes pelted him with stones. He wus at length dragged out of the pool in a dying condition ; for he had not only receired several bruises from the stones, but his breast was so pierced with the shut, that it was like a cullender. The white savages, (this is the language of MF, Attorney Beccles,) ordered the negroes to dig a grive. l'hilst they were digging it, the poor creature mude signs begging for water, which was not given him ; but as soon as the grace was dug, he was thrown into it, and covered over, and as is believed, whILE YET ALIVE. Colbeck, the owner of the boy, hearing that a begro had been killed, went to Crone to inquire into the truth of the report. Crone told him that a negro had been killed, but assured him that it was not his, for he knew him well, and he need not be at the trouble of opening the grave. On this Colbeck went azcay SA• TISFIED. Receiving, however, further information, he returned and had the grave opened, when he found the murdered negro to be his own. Colbeck brought his action of damages in the courts of the island agains: Crone and Hollingsworth. The causc was ready to be tried, and the court had met for the purpose, when they thought proper to pay double the value of the boy, and 251. for the use of ile Island, (buing 5!. less than the penaliy axed by the law of 15l.