German language, and did not easily | midable than any which they had reaaccommodate himself to the manners son to apprehend from each other. of the people. He could not bear The old enemy of their independence much wine; and none but a hard drinker had any chance of success in Westphalian society. Under all these disadvantages, however, he gave so much satisfaction that he was created a baronet, and appointed resident at the viceregal court of Brussels. Brussels suited Temple far better than the palaces of the boar-hunting and wine-bibbing princes of Germany. He now occupied one of the most important posts of observation in which a diplomatist could be stationed. He was placed in the territory of a great neutral power, between the territories of two great powers which were at war with England. From this excellent school he soon came forth the most accomplished negotiator of his age. and of their religion was no longer to be dreaded. The sceptre had passed away from Spain. That mighty empire, on which the sun never set, which had crushed the liberties of Italy and Germany, which had occupied Paris with its armies, and covered the British seas with its sals, was at the mercy of every spoiler ; and Europe observed with dismay the rapid growth of a new and more formidable power. Men looked to Spain and saw only weakness disguised and increased by pride, dominions of vast bulk and little strength, tempting, unwieldy, and defenceless, an empty treasury, a sullen and torpid nation, a child on the throne, factions in the council, ministers who served only themselves, and soldiers In the mean time the government who were terrible only to their countryof Charles had suffered a succession of men. Men looked to France, and saw a humiliating disasters. The extrava-large and compact territory, a rich soil, gance of the court had dissipated all the means which Parliament had supplied for the purpose of carrying on offensive hostilities. It was determined to wage only a defensive war; and even for defensive war the vast resources of England, managed by triflers and public robbers, were found insufficient. The Dutch insulted the British coasts, sailed up the Thames, took Sheerness, and carried their ravages to Chatham. The blaze of the ships burning in the river was seen at London: it was rumoured that a foreign army had landed at Gravesend; and military men seriously proposed to abandon the Tower. To such a depth of infamy had a bad administration reduced that proud and victorious country, which a few years before had dictated its pleasure to Mazarine, to the States-General, and to the Vatican. Humbled by the events of the war, and dreading the just anger of Parliament, the English Ministry hastened to huddle up a peace with France and Holland at Breda. But a new scene was about to open. It had already been for some time apparent to discerning observers, that England and Holland were threatened by a common danger, much more for a central situation, a bold, alert, and ingenious people, large revenues, numerous and well-disciplined troops, an active and ambitious prince, in the flower of his age, surrounded by generals of unrivalled skill. The projects of Lewis could be counteracted only by ability, vigour, and union on the part of his neighbours. Ability and vigour had hitherto been found in the councils of Holland alone, and of union there was no appearance in Europe. The question of Portuguese independence separated England from Spain. Old grudges, recent hostilities, maritime pretensions, commercial competition separated England as widely from the United Provinces. The great object of Lewis, from the beginning to the end of his reign, was the acquisition of those large and valuable provinces of the Spanish monarchy, which lay contiguous to the eastern frontier of France. Already, before the conclusion of the treaty of Breda, he had invaded those provinces. He now pushed on his conquests with scarcely any resistance. Fortress after fortress was taken. Brussels itself was in danger; and Temple thought it wise to send his wife and children to Eng land. But his sister, Lady Giffard, to the eternal doublings and evasions who had been some time his inmate, and who seems to have been a more important personage in his family than his wife, still remained with him. De Witt saw the progress of the French arms with painful anxiety. But it was not in the power of Holland alone to save Flanders; and the difficulty of forming an extensive coalition for that purpose appeared almost insuperable. Lewis, indeed, affected moderation. He declared himself willing to agree to a compromise with Spain. But these offers were undoubtedly mere professions, intended to quiet the apprehensions of the neighbouring powers; and, as his position became every day more and more advantageous, it was to be expected that he would rise in his demands. Such was the state of affairs when Temple obtained from the English Ministry permission to make a tour in Holland incognito. In company with Lady Giffard he arrived at the Hague. He was not charged with any public commission, but he availed himself of this opportunity of introducing himself to De Witt. "My only business, sir," he said, "is to see the things which are most considerable in your country, and I should execute my design very imperfectly if I went away without seeing you." De Witt, who from report had formed a high opinion of Temple, was pleased by the compliment, and replied with a frankness and cordiality which at once led to intimacy. The two statesmen talked calmly over the causes which had estranged England from Holland, congratulated each other on the peace, and then began to discuss the new dangers which menaced Europe. Temple, who had no authority to say any thing on behalf of the English Government, expressed himself very guardedly. De Witt, who was himself the Dutch Government, had no reason to be reserved. He openly declared that his wish was to see a general coalition formed for the preservation of Flanders. His simplicity and openness amazed Temple, who had been accustomed to the affected solemnity of his patron, the Secretary, and which passed for great feats of statesmanship among the Spanish politicians at Brussels. "Whoever," he wrote to Arlington, "deals with M. de Witt must go the same plain way that he pretends to in his negotiations, without refining or colouring_or offering shadow for substance." Temple was scarcely less struck by the modest dwelling and frugal table of the first citizen of the richest state in the world. While Clarendon was amazing London with a dwelling more sumptuous than the palace of his master, while Arlington was lavishing his ill-gotten wealth on the decoys and orange-gardens and interminable conservatories of Euston, the great statesman who had frustrated all their plans of conquest, and the roar of whose guns they had heard with terror even in the galleries of Whitehall, kept only a single servant, walked about the streets in the plainest garb, and never used a coach except for visits of ceremony. Temple sent a full account of his interview with De Witt to Arlington, who, in consequence of the fall of the Chancellor, now shared with the Duke of Buckingham the principal direction of affairs. Arlington showed no disposition to meet the advances of the Dutch minister. Indeed, as was amply proved a few years later, both he and his master were perfectly willing to purchase the means of misgoverning England by giving up, not only Flanders, but the whole Continent to France. Temple, who distinctly saw that a moment had arrived at which it was possible to reconcile his country with Holland, to reconcile Charles with the Parliament, to bridle the power of Lewis, to efface the shame of the late ignominious war, to restore England to the same place in Europe which she had occupied under Cromwell, became more and more urgent in his representations. Arlington's replies were for some time couched in cold and ambiguous terms. But the events which followed the meeting of Parliament, in the autumn of 1667, appear to have produced an entire change in his views. The discontent of the nation was deep and general. The administration was at- evening of the first of January, 1668, tacked in all its parts. The King and a council was held, at which Charles the ministers laboured, not unsuccess- declared his resolution to unite with fully, to throw on Clarendon the blame the Dutch on their own terms. Temple of past miscarriages; but though the and his indefatigable sister immediately Commons were resolved that the late sailed again for the Hague, and, after Chancellor should be the first victim, it weathering a violent storm in which was by no means clear that he would they were very nearly lost, arrived in be the last. The Secretary was per- safety at the place of their destination. sonally attacked with great bitterness On this occasion, as on every other, in the course of the debates. One of the dealings between Temple and De the resolutions of the Lower House Witt were singularly fair and open. against Clarendon was in truth a cen- When they met, Temple began by resure of the foreign policy of the Go- capitulating what had passed at their vernment, as too favourable to France. last interview. De Witt, who was as To these events chiefly we are inclined little given to lying with his face as to attribute the change which at this with his tongue, marked his assent by crisis took place in the measures of his looks while the recapitulation proEngland. The Ministry seem to have ceeded, and, when it was concluded, felt that, if they wished to derive any answered that Temple's memory was advantage from Clarendon's downfall, perfectly correct, and thanked him for it was necessary for them to abandon proceeding in so exact and sincere a what was supposed to be Clarendon's manner. Temple then informed the system, and by some splendid and popu- Grand Pensionary that the King of lar measure to win the confidence of England had determined to close with the nation. Accordingly, in Decem- the proposal of a defensive alliance. ber, 1667, Temple received a despatch De Witt had not expected so speedy a containing instructions of the highest resolution; and his countenance indiimportance. The plan which he had cated surprise as well as pleasure. But so strongly recommended was approved; he did not retract; and it was speedily and he was directed to visit De Witt as arranged that England and Holland speedily as possible, and to ascertain should unite for the purpose of comwhether the States were willing to enter pelling Lewis to abide by the comprointo an offensive and defensive league mise which he had formerly offered. with England against the projects of The next object of the two statesmen France. Temple, accompanied by his was to induce another government to sister, instantly set out for the Hague, become a party to their league. The and laid the propositions of the Eng- victories of Gustavus and Torstenson, lish Government before the Grand and the political talents of Oxenstiern, Pensionary. The Dutch statesman had obtained for Sweden a consideraanswered with characteristic straight-tion in Europe, disproportioned to her forwardness, that he was fully ready real power: the princes of Northern to agree to a defensive confederacy, but Germany stood in great awe of her; that it was the fundamental principle and De Witt and Temple agreed that of the foreign policy of the States to if she could be induced to accede to the make no offensive alliance under any league, "it would be too strong a bar circumstances whatever. With this for France to venture on." Temple answer Temple hastened from the went that same evening to Count Dona, Hague to London, had an audience of the Swedish Minister at the Hague, took the King, related what had passed be- a seat in the most unceremonious mantween himself and De Witt, exerted ner, and, with that air of frankness and himself to remove the unfavourable good-will by which he often succeeded opinion which had been conceived of in rendering his diplomatic overtures the Grand Pensionary at the English acceptable, explained the scheme which court, and had the satisfaction of suc- was in agitation. "Dona was greatly ceeding in all his objects. On the pleased and flattered. He had not VOL. II. C to us deserving of all the praise which has been bestowed upon it. powers which would authorise him to conclude a treaty of such importance. But he strongly advised Temple and Dr. Lingard, who is undoubtedly a De Witt to do their part without delay, very able and well informed writer, but and seemed confident that Sweden whose great fundamental rule of judging would accede. The ordinary course of seems to be that the popular opinion on public business in Holland was too a historical question cannot possibly be slow for the present emergency; and correct, speaks very slightingly of this De Witt appeared to have some scruples celebrated treaty; and Mr. Courtenay, about breaking through the established who by no means regards Temple with forms. But the urgency and dexterity that profound veneration which is geof Temple prevailed. The States-nerally found in biographers, has conGeneral took the responsibility of exe- ceded, in our opinion, far too much to cuting the treaty with a celerity unpre- Dr. Lingard. cedented in the annals of the federation, The reasoning of Dr. Lingard is and indeed inconsistent with its funda- simply this. The Triple Alliance only mental laws. The state of public feel-compelled Lewis to make peace on the ing was, however, such in all the provinces, that this irregularity was not merely pardoned but applauded. When the instrument had been formally signed, the Dutch Commissioners embraced the English Plenipotentiary with the warmest expressions of kindness and confidence. "At Breda," exclaimed Temple, "we embraced as friends, here as brothers." 66 This memorable negotiation occupied only five days. De Witt complimented Temple in high terms on having effected in so short a time what must, under other management, have been the work of months; and Temple, in his despatches, spoke in equally high terms of De Witt. I must add these words, to do M. de Witt right, that I found him as plain, as direct and square in the course of this business as any man could be, though often stiff in points where he thought any advantage could accrue to his country; and have all the reason in the world to be satisfied with him; and for his industry, no man had ever more I am sure. For these five days at least, neither of us spent any idle hours, neither day nor night." Sweden willingly acceded to the league, which is known in history by the name of the Triple Alliance; and, after some signs of ill-humour on the part of France, a general pacification was the result. The Triple Alliance may be viewed in two lights; as a measure of foreign policy, and as a measure of domestic policy; and under both aspects it seems terms on which, before the alliance was formed, he had offered to make peace. How can it then be said that this alliance arrested his career, and preserved Europe from his ambition? Now, this reasoning is evidently of no force at all, except on the supposition that Lewis would have held himself bound by his former offers, if the alliance had not been formed; and, if Dr. Lingard thinks this a reasonable supposition, we should be disposed to say to him, in the words of that great politician, Mrs. Western; "Indeed, brother, you would make a fine plenipo to negotiate with the French. They would soon persuade you that they take towns out of mere defensive principles." Our own impression is that Lewis made his offer only in order to avert some such measure as the Triple Alliance, and adhered to his offer only in consequence of that alliance. He had refused to consent to an armistice. He had made all his arrangements for a winter campaign. In the very week in which Temple and the States concluded their agreement at the Hague, Franche Comté was attacked by the French armies, and in three weeks the whole province was conquered. This prey Lewis was compelled to disgorge. And what compelled him? Did the object seem to him small or contemptible? On the contrary, the annexation of Franche Comté to his kingdom was one of the favourite projects of his life. Was he withheld by regard for his word? Did he, who never in any other transaction of his reign showed the sovereign with a people who had, under smallest respect for the most solemn his wretched administration, become obligations of public faith, who violated ashamed of him and of themselves. the Treaty of the Pyrenees, who vio- It was a kind of pledge for internal lated the Treaty of Aix, who violated good government. The foreign relathe Treaty of Nimeguen, who violated tions of the kingdom had at that time the Partition Treaty, who violated the the closest connection with our doTreaty of Utrecht, feel himself restrained mestic policy. From the Restoration by his word on this single occasion? to the accession of the House of HanoCan any person who is acquainted with ver, Holland and France were to Enghis character and with his whole policy land what the right-hand horseman doubt that, if the neighbouring powers and the left-hand horseman in Bürwould have looked quietly on, he would ger's fine ballad were to the Wildinstantly have risen in his demands? graf, the good and the evil counselHow then stands the case? He wished lor, the angel of light and the angel of to keep Franche Comté. It was not darkness. The ascendency of France from regard to his word that he ceded was inseparably connected with the Franche Comté. Why then did he prevalence of tyranny in domestic cede Franche Comté ? We answer, as affairs. The ascendency of Holland all Europe answered at the time, from was as inseparably connected with the fear of the Triple Alliance. prevalence of political liberty and of mutual toleration among Protestant sects. How fatal and degrading an influence Lewis was destined to exercise on the British counsels, how great a deliverance our country was destined to owe to the States, could not be foreseen when the Triple Alliance was concluded. Yet even then all discerning men considered it as a good omen for the English constitution and the reformed religion, that the Government But grant that Lewis was not really stopped in his progress by this famous league; still it is certain that the world then, and long after, believed that he was so stopped, and that this was the prevailing impression in France as well as in other countries. Temple, therefore, at the very least, succeeded in raising the credit of his country, and in lowering the credit of a rival power. Here there is no room for controversy. No grubbing among old state-papers had attached itself to Holland, and will ever bring to light any document which will shake these facts; that Europe believed the ambition of France to have been curbed by the three powers; that England, a few months before the last among the nations, forced to abandon her own seas, unable to defend the mouths of her own rivers, regained almost as high a place in the estimation of her neighbours as she had held in the times of Elizabeth and Oliver; and that all this change of opinion was produced in five days by wise and resolute counsels, without the firing of a single gun. That the Triple Alliance effected this will hardly be disputed; and therefere, even if it effected nothing else, it must still be regarded as a master-piece of diplomacy. Considered as a measure of domestic policy, this treaty seems to be equally deserving of approbation. It did much to allay discontents, to reconcile the had assumed a firm and somewhat hostile attitude towards France. The fame of this measure was the greater, because it stood so entirely alone. It was the single eminently good act performed by the Government during the interval between the Restoration and the Revolution.* Every person who had the smallest part in it, and some who had no part in it at all, battled for a share of the credit. The most parsimonious republicans were ready to grant money for the purpose of carrying into effect the provisions of this popular alliance; and the great Tory poet of that age, in his finest satires, repeatedly spoke with reverence of the "triple bond." This negotiation raised the fame of Temple both at home and abroad to a been done since the King came into Eng"The only good public thing that hath land."-PEPYS's Diary, February 14. 1667-8. |