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undertake the repairs of the college, as they do of the other public buildings, in order that they may be conducted with the greatest economy. We do not propose to make provision in the Act for the annual expenses of the repairs, but that they shall be the subject of an annual vote, and be included in the annual estimates for the Board of Works, as in other cases. Instead of the present ex officio visitors-the Lord Chancellor and the judges-it is proposed that the Crown shall appoint five visitors to exercise the same visitatorial powers as the present visitors; but instead of visiting once in three years, to do so once a year, and as often as the Lord Lieutenant may direct. These visitors would not interfere with any matters relating to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of Rome; but for those subjects three more visitors would be elected by the other five, as at present, to be members of the Roman Catholic Church. The three elected visitors now are the Earl of Fingall, Dr. Crolly, (Archbishop of Armagh,) and Dr. Murray, (Archbishop of Dublin.)" Such was an outline of the measure. It had not been the subject of any stipulation with the authorities of the Roman Catholic Church, but the Ministers had intimated their intentions to these dignitaries, and they had reason to believe that they were satisfied and grateful for the measure, and would cordially recommend its acceptance to their community. Sir R. Peel concluded his speech by moving for leave to bring in a Bill, saying in conclusion:-"We do not think that there is any violation of conscientious scruples involved in our proposition. We believe that it is

perfectly compatible to hold steadfast the profession of our faith without wavering, and at the same time to improve the education and to elevate the character of those who

do what you will-pass this measure or refuse it-must be the spiritual guides and religious instructors of millions of your fellowcountrymen." (Great cheering.)

Sir R. H. Inglis rose to meet the motion by a direct negative. He remarked on the great number of adverse petitions, and the support which Sir R. Peel had received, evinced by the cheers to have proceeded from the Opposition side. He impugned the argument of a parliamentary compact, the grant hitherto made having been annual, without any pledge as to its continuance-in one year there was an increase-in one a decrease

in one (1799) no grant was made. The only pledge bearing on the subject was the resolution of the British House of Commons in 1800, that a sum not less than that granted by the Irish Parliament on an average of six years for agriculture and pious uses, should be paid for twenty years after the union; a period now expired. The argument drawn from our policy towards the colonies was irrelevant, for there we were bound by specific treaties. His complaint was, that they were endowing the Church of Rome almost in the same proportion in which they withdrew support from the Protestant institutions of the country. Sir R. Inglis concluded by declaring that, although shattered and torn, the flag of Protestantism still remained at the mast-head, and he would fight for it as unflinchingly as when in better days it waved untorn and unbent over our empire.

Several Conservative Members, Mr. Law, Mr. C. Bruce, Mr. Grogan and others, followed with similar expressions of sentiment. Mr. Plumptre especially express ed in very strong terms his repugnance to the proposal on religious grounds, avowing as the basis of his objections the belief that the Roman Catholic religion was idolatrous. Among the Liberal members, several of whom cordially supported the motion, Mr. T. Duncombe was the only dissentient. He opposed it on the principle of hostility to all religious establishments supported out of the public revenues. Mr. Ward, while he warmly approved of the plan, intimated his intention, at a subsequent stage, to put on record his conviction, that the requisite funds ought to be supplied from other sources than the general

taxes.

Mr. Montesquieu Bellew thanked Sir R. Peel on behalf of the Irish Roman Catholic body, not merely for the measure itself, but for the language in which he had announced the liberal and just principles on which it was founded.

Lord Francis Egerton, Lord Sandon, and Mr. John Stuart Wortley, on the Conservative side of the House, spoke in favour of the measure.

Other Irish members joined in the same sentiment; especially Mr. Sheil, who anticipated a great progressive improvement in the Roman Catholic priesthood.

Lord John Russell supported the motion. He did not rely on the compact. If it had proved a mischievous measure, or had outraged the religious feelings of the community, he saw no reason why the House should feel bound to continue the grant. He could under stand those who now opposed it

altogether. But if you consent to the grant at all, then to say that you will not let the student who receives 221. get 281. in order that he may be better taught, and that his diet and comfort may be improved, was no objection on religious principles. He regarded the measure as a step towards a large and comprehensive scheme for the future payment of the Romish clergy, and that was to him an argument not for resistance, but for concurrence. 46 The arguments, which are so sound, and, as I think, so incontrovertible, to induce this House to found an endowment for the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood, will prove upon another occasion as sound and as incontrovertible with respect to an endowment for the maintenance of that priesthood. (Loud cheers.) For my own part, preferring most strongly, and more and more by reflection, a religious establishment to that which is called the voluntary principle, I am anxious to see the spiritual and religious instruction of the great majority of the people of Ireland endowed and maintained by a provision furnished by the State. He regretted that the feeling between the English and the Irish people was not so good as could be wished. Had the spirit now displayed been manifested in 1825, when Lord Francis Egerton proposed a motion involving the payment of the Roman Catholic clergy, the distractions of Ireland would have been obviated, and at this moment the House would no more be talking about agitation in Ireland, than about agitation in Yorkshire or Middlesex. But he should be happy if Government were now beginning a different course, if in

stead of "concession having now reached its utmost limits," there was an endeavour to commence a new series of measures by which they might hope to unite the two countries in an enduring bond. On a division, the motion for leave to bring in the Bill, was carried by 216 to 114; majority 102.

The measure above announced by Sir Robert Peel, though destined to become law, produced a wide-spread and resolute spirit of opposition. Those who were ardently attached to what they regarded as the vital principles of Protestanism, already foresaw in apprehension the endowment of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Ireland, and the rapid downfall of the Established Church in that country, if not in England also. Actuated by these views, they adopted the most efficient means in their power to stir up in the country a spirit of active hostility to the proposed measure. In both Houses long and animated debates took place on almost every stage of the Bill. Among such a multitude of speeches, it is impossible within our limited space to do more than to present a summary of the arguments urged by the more prominent speakers on either side; which, however, will be sufficient to show the principles upon which the Bill was alternately supported and assailed. On the 11th of April, Sir R. Peel having moved the second reading,

Mr. Colquhoun commenced the debate, and contended that a measure more inadeqaute and injurious than the present had never been devised by any Ministry. As a question of conscience, he could not agree to it; and as a question of compact, he maintained that there was not a single ground on

which it could be justified. Mr. Wyse, in his History of the Catholic Association, had stated that the Roman Catholic priests were unwilling to enter upon the agitation which was deemed necessary to carry Catholic Emancipation until Maynooth made itself felt; but that as soon as the young men educated at that college brought into the field the spirit of independence and democracy which they had imbibed there, the work of agitation proceeded with greater energy and success. They had also seen that, two years ago, when the Repeal agitation was most violent, the Roman Catholic ecclesiastics in Ireland-the pupils of Maynooth-joined the movement with alacrity savouring much of enthusiasm. Nor was this extraordinary, for they were educated by and among ecclesiastics alone, and were thus taught to devote themselves to the interests of their Church as paramount to all others. They were thus rendered ignorant and intolerant, and were opposed to the union of the two countries, and to all those ties which were most useful to bind the two countries together. The Government now proposed to give additional endowments to that college, on the mere chance that when the professors and students were better provided for, they would become more loyal subjects and less keen Repealers. He was certain that they would not become either the one or the other; and he saw that Mr. O'Connell was of the same opinion, for he had expressed the utmost gratitude to Sir R. Peel for the present measure; a gratitude which he imagined that Mr. O'Connell would not feel, did he suppose that the result of it would be to diminish the influence which,

through the agency of the priests, he exercised over the Roman Catholics of Ireland. The increased endowments would induce more students from the lower classes to enter Maynooth; and as those students would not be educated with those of their countrymen who were to enter into civil life, they would take still more exclusive views of the interests of their Church, and would be influenced by Roman Catholic rather than by Irish or by British feelings. He showed that this was the case in those colleges of Prussia where the Roman Catholic ecclesiastics were educated by themselves, but that a better feeling was created among them when they were educated, as at the University of Bonn, in common with their lay countrymen. As this measure was not calculated to secure either good professors or well-educated students, he should give it every opposition in his power. He further stated, that if that reasonable time which the importance of the subject demanded, were not given to test the opinion of the country respecting it, he would test the opinion of the House respecting it by every form, not factious, which the Constitution allowed. At present he would confine himself to moving, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months.

Mr. Grogan, M.P. for Dublin, insisted that Parliament was not bound to the support of Maynooth by any contract prior to the Union. The college had failed to answer the objects for which it was founded, and the present measure would be a most dangerous experiment in the present state of Ireland. To increase the grant would in effect be to promote the dangerous doc

trines and practices of the Jesuits, a sect which, after having been suppressed by the Pope at the end of the last century, at the instance of the sovereigns of Europe out of regard to their own safety, had been since restored by the same authority. In 1825, Dr. Kenny, the General of the Jesuits in Ireland, was Vice-President of Maynooth, and had introduced there some of the class books of that society. Inquiry ought to be instituted before such a measure as that now proposed received the sanction of Parliament. He could not but anticipate that the endowment of the Romish Church in Ireland must be the next step. He believed that the Protestant feeling of England would never consent to the latter measure, and therefore, to prevent future disappointment to the Roman Catholics, he would oppose this Bill to the utmost of his power.

Mr. Gladstone apologized to the House for having allowed one opportunity to pass by without giving an opinion or a vote upon this measure. He believed that the minority of the last week represented the prevailing sense of a great majority of the people of England and of Scotland; and yet, after taking that view of the subject, he was prepared, in opposition to that prevailing opinion, and in opposition to his own deeply cherished prepossessions, to give his deliberate support to this measure. In making that declaration, he must say, that the reasons which had hitherto been given for supporting this Bill appeared to him to be quite inadequate. Sir R. Peel had stated, that the measure amounted to no more than the fulfilment of an equitable compact made between the parliament of

this country and that of Ireland. That doctrine would facilitate his approach to this question; but he could not consider the measure as an equitable fulfilment of any contract. He looked upon this as a new question to a considerable extent, as the grant, instead of annual, was to be made permanent; and the college, by being under the care of a Government board, was to be brought into close connexion with the Government. One argument urged in favour of this measure, namely, that the sum to be voted for the support of this Roman Catholic college should be voted as a restitution to the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland, he utterly disclaimed in the name of the law, the constitution, and the history of the country. If the money were granted as an act of restitution, it would be most shameful, for the offer of a shilling or a sixpence in the poundand the grant did not bear more than that proportion to the property which once belonged to the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland -would be a most shabby offer of payment coming from a debtor to his creditor, it would be as infamous as an offer of restitution coming from a robber to the victim he had plundered. He supported the measure on the ground that, whatever gave ease and comfort to the professors of the college of Maynooth, would tend to soothe and soften the tone of the college itself. He found arguments in favour of the measure in the great numbers and poverty of the Roman Catholic people of Ireland, in the difficulty they experienced in providing for themselves the necessaries of life, and in the still greater difficulty which they found in providing for themselves preach

ers of their own faith, and in procuring means of education for them. He found additional arguments in the inclination to support it exhibited by all the great statesmen on both sides of the House, and in the fact that those who paid the taxes of a country, had a right to share in the benefits of its institutions. Nothing convinced him so much of the validity of the arguments in support of this measure as the paucity and weakness of those urged against it by its opponents. They said that this experiment of Maynooth, was an experiment of Mr. Pitt's, and that it had been fairly tried and had signally failed. But they forgot that the original view of Mr. Pitt was, that the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland should not only be trained in the college of Maynooth, but that they should also have a subsequent provision made for their support. No such provision had been made; and it was most unjust to say that Mr. Pitt's experiment had failed, when, in point of fact, it had only been partially tried. He thought that there were cases in which such a grant might be properly withheld; but, on the other hand, he thought that those who deemed it contrary to religious duty to make it, confounded the principles on which they would act in their private capacities with those on which men must act in a combined society. Exclusive support to the Established Church had long been abandoned by the State, and was in progress of further abandonment every day. He quoted the opinion of Mr. Burke, for the purpose of showing, that he thought it contrary to wise policy to give exclusive privileges to a negative creed like that of Protestantism, and to deny all privileges to those

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