that other nations think themselves obliged to adopt, in order to guard against the effects of tho e prejudices, till their fallacy is univerfally acknowledged, as well as their fufficiency to produce their boafted effect, even in favour of those who would obftinately refuse to give them up. Every year, fay the prejudices of both nations, more than feven millions fterling are required for their two terrible balances; but not above fix millions are brought over from America :-if Spain and Portugal be allowed to come in for one-fixth (indeed it would be but juft), the other parts of Europe muft fettle it amongst themselves to find the two millions fterling, which without that affeffment would be deficient in the balances neceffary to France and England.Whence does Europe take thofe two millions whence have they been taken hitherto? I know not: but it is a ftubborn fact: you may confult the work of Mr. Necker for the balance of France, and for that of England the fatements of Sir Charles Whitworth; the former amounts to 70 millions of livres, about three millions flerling; and the latter to 83,678,818. in the space of 20 years, from 1754 to 1773; it is, one year with another, more than 4,180,000l. per annum. But, above all, let it not escape obfervation, what is faid in France, that the decline of that empire will begin, when this balance of 70 millions of livres fhall begin to decline; and that it is the opinion in England, that, were the favourable balance to be below two or three millions fterling, a national bankruptcy muft indifpenfibly follow. What is moft miraculous (and indeed confolatory for those who are obliged to think of their elevation before they dream of a bankruptcy, or even of their decline) is, that while France and England have received annually, the one four and the other three millions fterling; that is to fay, one-fixth more than America has to fhare among all the European nations, the other countries in Europe have nevertheless increafed their mafs of money, by all that was neceffary to keep up their luxury, and the circulation of a revenue which has almost doubled in the courfe of a century. Thefe are prodigies which will ceafe to be fo, even if we admit the facts on which they are founded, if we take the trouble of adding thereto a few other facts rather lefs queftionable; and if it be acknowledged at last, that there are yet others, concerning which the most expert calculator cannot flatter himfelf that he fhall even come near the truth, and which give to thofe who will be at the trouble of reflecting, all the latitude they may want, to conclude that the two balances are as inadmiffible when fubjected to the difcuffion of reafon alone, as they are afterwards demonftrated to be falfe, by facts which cannot be controverted.' The following analyfis of the effects of prohibitory laws against exportation will give the Reader a tolerably juft notion of our Author's manner of reafoning, and of the ideas he wishes to inculcate: Prohibitory Laws against Exportation. Query. Why do you folicit a prohibitory law against the exporting of fuch an article of national product? 6 Aufwer. That I may get it cheaper. . 2. Can you buy it cheaper, without wronging the man who might fell it dearer? A. No. 2. As it is impoffible to prove that fuch a condu& is equitable, how will you be able to prove it to be advantageous to the state? A. It is advantageous to the flate, that all its internal productions should receive at home, all fuch forms and preparations as may increase their value. 2. Is the quantity of productions useful to the ftate? A. The question is almost ridiculous. 2. If the producer be difcouraged by the low price fet upon his productions, and take proper measures to produce lefs, in order to fave the expence attending a greater production, and in the mean time to gain by producing les as much as he could gain by producing more, will you not then be guilty of having wronged the flate of all the productions which you crush in the very bud, by the prohibition ? A. No. Smuggling will give to the parties injured by the prohibitory law, a fully fufficient means of extricating themfelves. 2. Your hopes then are, that fmuggling will make up for the injuries you propofe to do to the producers; but how will you com penfate to the ftate for the lofs it fuitains by a clandeftine exportation? A. Our only business is to mind our own intereft; befides, the ftate may eafily procure, by means of a land-tax, what it may lofe by the clandeftine exportation: and we are so far from expecting that fmuggling fhould turn out to our advantage, that we petition it may be made a capital offence, and prohibited under pain of mutilation, the galleys, or at least the entire ruin of the fmuggler. 2 But the law will either fucceed, or fail in its effect. If the law fucceed, will you not be the author of that diminution of the products which the low price you intend to fet upon those products muft unavoidably occafion? And if the law fail in its effect, do you not uselessly deprive the ftate, 1ft, of the produce of the muggler's labour, whom you hope to fee hanged, or, at beft, mutilated; and 2dly, of the produce of that labour, which would have been performed by that army, partly compofed of rogues, partly of idle fellows, now to be fet upon the watch to detect and apprehend the fmuggler, keep him in clofe confinement, and lead him finally to the gallows, or to the galleys? Who is to pay thofe rogues and idle fel lows? A. The state, to be sure. 2. What are the effential parts of the state? A. Industry, that goes in fearch of money; and agriculture, in as much as the feeds induftry at the cheapest rate. Agriculture, impoverished by your prohibitory law, will then lofe, not only what the fhould get by being at liberty to export, but alfo what the must find to affist you in procuring her impoverishment, by paying the land-tax neceffary to pay thofe very rogues and idle fellows, whofe bufinefs it is to deftroy her only remaining refource against your cupidity-SMUGGLING. Y 2 • Probibitory Prohibitory Laws against, or exceffive Duties impofed upon Importation. 2. Why do you petition against the liberty of importing fuch or fuch another article? A. Because we manufacture it, and wish to fell it dearer to the national confumers. 2. Of how many orders of men is the clafs of national confumers compofed ? A. Of two, the land proprietor, and all perfons not wholly defti tute of money. 2. That is to fay, in all cafes, of the whole kingdom, against the fmall number of individuals who humbly petition for the prohibition of an article; -be it fo. Have you devised any means to increase in the confumer the ability of purchafing, whilft you advance the price of your goods? A. Not we; -on the contrary, it is our intention to have as much as we can of his commodities and money, for as little of our goods as poffible. 2. How can men of knowledge and probity be blind to the iniquity of fuch a scheme?-Will not at least its execution be fomewhat impeded by the greatest part of those who follow the fame trade? A. No; that is impoffible: our corporations have already provided against the inconvenience you allude to: not one of their members would dare to fell his merchandice below the price fixed by his corporation; and we have made, as it were, the impoffibility of any fuch measure doubly fo, by the difficulties we have devifed to prevent a ready admittance into our corporations; all our bye-laws tend to reduce our affociates to the fmalleft number poffible. But one fingle expedient is now wanted to put the finishing hand to that grand work; it is the abfolute prohibition of importing all those commodities which foreign nations might offer at a cheaper rate than we are determined to fell them at. 2. So then, if you fucceed in your plan-if by means of the folicited prohibition, the legislature enable you to extort with your 16 in merchandice, the goods and money, which, in cafe of a foreign competition, you could not have procured with less than 20, what do you intend to do with the remaining part of what you shall have extorted? A. Send it abroad. 2. With what view? A. Of increafing the balance in money. 2. Have you hitherto acted confiftently with that idea? A. We have, and it is known to all the world that it is the dearest idea of an Englishman, an idea which the nation holds (if properly attended to) as the only bulwark againft a national bank ruptcy. 2. What have you got by that idea, if it be probable that there is not above 25 or 30 millions in fpecie within the kingdom, and if it be proved evidently that it is impoffible you should have more than 35? A. The reafon is, no doubt, that foreign importation has been too freely permitted; a criminal, a traiterous indulgence, which we are are inceffantly at work to remove and it is on that account, that, befides the abfolute prohibition we now pray for in regard to fuch and fuch articles, we alfo petition that the duties be laid double and treble on all other foreign articles which are not yet totally prohibited. 2. Do you not fear that foreigners, whofe merchandice you would cause to be prohibited, fhould play the fame trick with yours? Do you not fear that thofe on whofe goods you mean to increase the duties, fhould in their turn overload those which they will receive from you? For this is all the conjuration requifite to counteract and balance the effect of thofe fublime regulations which you petition for. A. We shall carry on a fmuggling trade in their country, and they will pay dearer for our goods; they cannot do without them. 2. They will, no doubt, follow your example; therefore new recruits will be wanted for that army of rogues, and idlers, defigned to lay hold of, and ruin whoever fhould dare to oppofe your ranfoming the owners of lands, and proprietors of fome money; but be it fo:-you will befides be equally fuccefsful in obliging the poor ranfomed individuals, to pay for the additional and neceffary reinforcement of your standing army of rogues and idlers, and for those light troops of informers fo well fitted for the noble purpose you are carrying on-be it fo again. But, after all, what are you to do with that immenfe balance in money? Shall you bury it under ground? A. Aye-and with all our hearts and fouls, if, when thus buried, it could bring to us the fame benefit as when it is rendered useful to fome one else; but, alas! that fecret is not yet found out. It might be poffible, however, to pray for an act of parliament, compelling the nation to pay the intereft of all the fums thus interred by us; and the wifdom of fuch an act would be the more confpicuous, as it would keep within the reach, under the very hand of the nation, all the money fhe might have occafion for, whenever fhe fhould think it expedient to declare war against France, our natural enemy. Till fuch an act is framed, we fhall follow the example of Holland; we shall keep on the carrying trade, by which the Dutch have gained fo much money notwithstanding our navigation act, which we fondly hoped was calculated to effect their ruin: we fhall carry from Ruffia to Sicily, from Conftantinople to Poland, from Stockholm to Cadiz, from Lifbon to Venice, whatever may be carried from one place to the other; and this we shall do, at the lowest prices, in order to get the preference of the Dutch. It is a great pity that this cannot be effected without benefiting the land owners, and the proprietors of fome money, in all the countries where we may stand in competition for that carrying trade, not only with the Dutch, but with all the national monopolifts who fhall not have as yet been dexterous enough to force from their legiflature, laws as favourable to commerce as those we have obtained; but in fact what matters it to us whom we serve, provided we get a good profit from the fervice? 2. Will you add further: And provided alfo, that the fervice done, falls not on the land owner, or on the proprietor of Some money within your nation?-Yet thus far would you finally be led by that fyftem of prohibitions and restrictions, almost equally extravagant, to Y 3 which which you are fo devoutly attached.-But fuch a plan can fucceed only to a certain degree; be pleafed to obferve, that hitherto you can boast of no other advantage but that of the first attack.--Sole and abfolute arbiters as you are of your own prices by the monopoly you have obtained, if agriculture had not advanced those of her products in the fame proportion, would not your land owners be compelled to feek abroad for a country where monopoly fhould not be fo obligingly countenanced? for you do not, I prefume, flatter your felves that you shall be able to induce your parliament, in the age we live in, doubly to tax the property of those who might look abroad for a remedy against your extortions:-the many laws of that kind configned to your annals (and which you would not fail to quote as a precedent), muft feek, in the ignorance and barbarity of the age that gave them birth, an apology for their establishment; Lut, at this preient time! fuch fhades in the picture of the land of liberty, inttead of fetting off the beauties of its other parts, would annihilate the very idea of that liberty. It is by juftice and freedom that we are attracted and retained; it is by injuftice and restraint that we are expelled and kept at a difiance. Be pleated then, in fine, to obferve, that nothing can refult from thofe plans, the iniquity of which you have no more fearched into than you have thoroughly examined their confequences,--from thofe prohibitions and restrictions, the effects of which must be counterbalanced by contradictory regulations,-except the pitiful advantage of having perverted the nature of the prices. on every article. What is neceffary to counteract the effect of an injury done to the generality, will always be mechanically brought about by that very generality. Would it not be more advantageous for men to agree amongit themfelves, like intelligent beings, on fome plans accounted equitable by all,-on plans, the analysis of which the projector might bear without a blufh? Were a few points agreed upon, it would not perhaps be difficult to fettle all the others.' The Author then proceeds to fettle thefe preliminary points, for which we must refer the Reader to the book itself, if he wifhes for farther information.-The fpecimen above given will enable him to judge pretty fairly both of the manner, and matter; nor fhall we add farther to the length of these quotations, than barely to infert the following rhapfody in praife of liberty, which we doubt not will be read with pleasure by every Englishman. Were any one, fays this fpirited politician, to infer from the foregoing extract, [this was a petition to parliament for obtaining a monopoly in trade or manufactures,] that my intention is to ftigmatize the ufe of petitions,-notwithftanding the most invincible antipathy I bear to exclamations, which, for the moft part betray either weakness or hypocrify, I fhould exclaim, "O divine liberty, of humbly fhewing to the moft refpectable parts of a nation, all kinds of ideas, whether abfurd or reasonable! Divine liberty, never treated in England but with that regard which is due from one man to whatever comes from another man! Divine liberty, who giveft to the legiflator, the time, knowledge, and often the means, neceflary to prevent |