From The Spectator, 12 June.
FRANCE EQUIVOCATING.

stances, which prove that France is threatened with no danger from without, and not THE Times asks if there is any thing in the to perceive that the same circumstances may present condition of France which can ac- be construed into evidence of an opportunity count for remarkable proceedings in that for France, if she were to contemplate some country; and although the leading journal grander coup d'état than ever beyond her astonished the world on Thursday by putting own frontiers. The state of the French emthis question, and suggesting certain forcible pire admits of many conjectural interpretareasons for the inquiry, it did so with some tions. Some report that the Emperor is not reserve, by no means making the worst of so strong in health as he has been, and does the case. The "enormous preparations "not exercise his wonted control over those which France is making for strengthening who are second, or third, in command. The her machinery of war, by sea and land, can disappointment of the commercial, the unscarcely be explained on any intelligible easy aspirations of all classes, may perhaps ground, save one. It may be confessed that necessitate some diversion. The army itself the maintenance of domestic tranquility re- is in want of employment. Some suppose quires a large army, but how does that apply that it is not under command; others imagto the fleet, to the defensive fortifications at ine that its excitement is not unlike the wine Cherbourg, or to the replacement all over and sandwiches of Satory, supplied from the the French coasts of the batteries which gar- same imperial source, but on a grander scale. nished them during the first Empire, or to Something like the Sepoy chupatties is said the accumulation of a great naval force in to be circulating in the French army; it is that port? Again, what foreign prince is the toast "To the Cause," which is reported threatening the French Government with in- to be drunk with enthusiasm at mess-tables. vasion? What surplus revenue has France What cause? And whatever may be the to throw away? The answer to each of conjecture respecting other persons, we canthese questions is obvious. Even with the not forget certain established facts in regard utmost straining of able and obsequious to Napoleon. At one time, not a century finance Ministers, the finance of the Empire ago, he made many besides Louis Blanc be can only by courtesy be said to make both lieve him a Socialist; he made all France ends meet. The two last contrivances for reviving the public funds of the Government, and what we may call the public funds of the commercial powers in France, the share property in the market, have both been failures; for since General Espinasse's suggestion that the real property of the corporate charities should be converted into French Consols, It is perhaps one of the incidents of a feeand the telegraphic advertisement of the ble Government, which is obliged "to do the forthcoming restraint on the issue of new polite " at home and abroad, that we have to shares, we have heard nothing of those finan- be satisfied with certain matter-of-course dipcial coups d'état. According to the state- lomatic "assurances," when we ought to have ments of our Ministers, the misunderstand-positive facts on unmistakable authority to ing respecting the Conspiracy Bill has been explain these unintelligible preparations. satisfactorily explained away on both sides. The refusal to explain could only bear one Montenegro cannot demand that France construction, and we ought to be in an equal should possess an army of 600,000 men, or a state of preparedness. fleet rivalling in strength that of England, a power which has to defend possessions in every part of the world. Austria is not threatening active hostilities, and if she were she might be laughed at. Notwithstanding the English marriage, Prussia is not likely to be troublesome. If Russia were to threaten, France knows that she has England to fall back upon. It is impossible that the Emperor, or the most timid party in France, can be anticipating an invasion from England, when we have on our hands a China war, have not yet done with the Indian mutiny, and have our commerce to guard all over the globe.

believe him a Republican; he has made England believe him a faithful ally. Taciturn by nature, he seldom speaks until after the event; he always acts before he speaks; and with regard to his greatest enterprises, his actions, unlike most men's, have always immensely exceeded any previous warning.

of a

The subject ought not to be left to purely official assurances, or to the "energy Government which is distinguisning itself in standing by while other persons conduct legislation in Parliament. The enormous preparations in France have attracted attention in other places besides the City. Since the Government has not proved itself to be performing its duty, others have been impressed with the necessity of taking the initiative. A quiet agitation on the subject has already be gun, as is usual in this country, to assume an organized form. The grand objects are, to supply the deficiency which Sir Francis Head pointed out, and the Duke of Wellington It is impossible to review these circum-admitted, by stationing a thoroughly efficient

Channel fleet at once at its proper post; by | ate, and it is inferred that by these prelimimanning our ships promptly, which can be naries the President and Senate are only takdone if the market price for sailors be offered; and by instantly taking such measures as would call out the Militia and enable the whole body of the people to supply the place of an absent army.

From The Spectator, 12 June.
THE AMERICAN DIFFICULTY.

ing the necessary precautions to be ready for prompt action in case of need. Some part of the popular movement is very probably nothing more grave than bravado; a sort of display which costs very little, and scarcely affords more than a specific occasion for those parades of which the very effective, and in some cases showy New York regiments are BEFORE we are quit of the Indian war the willing enough to avail themselves. It is thunder of a war-storm across the Atlantic said that Lord Napier, as a private individual, already has begun to make its rumbling at once expressed his opinion that there has heard; and our wise men have been called in been some mistake about the instructions to exorcise the Spirit of the Storm. It was given to our naval officers, and that his Govnot a simple alarmism that excited the sudden ernment will make satisfactory explanations; outburst of discussion on the subject; there and the tone of Ministers in Parliament is in have been practical or supposed reasons for the same strain. Mr. Cass has transmitted some feelings of animosity in the United to London a formal demand for explanations, States. A certain heat made itself evident even in the proceedings of the Government, and the feeling created on this side was evidenced by the downward tendency of the public funds, which were recently so buoyant, and have since somewhat narrowed the con- There are indeed always means for either na'trast offered to the condition of the French Funds. Looking to the state of the East, and of the European Continent, these adverse signs were any thing but welcome; but it is to be believed that the threat will come to nothing.

and the papers have been promised; and it even now depends in some degree upon the fulness of these papers to check any needless excitement which might otherwise prevail upon this troublous subject.

tion to prevent the other from resorting to warlike extremes, except under the severest penalties. It is, perhaps, too readily assumed on the other side of the Atlantic that we must submit to any demands because our responsibilities are so gigantic. The outbreak of war The steps taken by the American Govern- would cut off the supply of cotton from Livment appear to indicate a degree of precipi- erpool, and through that port from Manchestancy altogether in excess of the occasion. ter and Glasgow; Lancashire, Cheshire, and Without waiting for explanations or negotia- Ayrshire, would soon be agitated by sometions, anticipating the action of the President, thing very like an industrial revolt, from Mr. Seward introduced into the Senate a which, of course, political considerations could measure to enable the government to obtain not be excluded: and these would be rather by force prompt redress for the perpetration tremendous visitations for commercial Lonof outrages upon the flag, soil, or citizens, of don, coming as they would after the war in the United States, or upon their property, and India, after the war with Russia, and perhaps to make reprisals wherever the adoption of before the war with France. Per contra, course may be deemed necessary. very similar responsibilities hang round the This last step is remarkable, for it will be neck of the American Republic. The slaveeasily remembered that when the late Euro-owning states cannot afford either to have pean Congress endeavored to abolish the cus- their cotton-trade cut off, or the spark of tom of making reprisals upon commercial doubt and discredit thrown among their alienproperty, the American Government, al-colored industrial population. It is somethough partially consenting, in reality nega- times supposed that the north is severed in tived the proposition. In the meanwhile gun- its commercial interests from the south; but boats have been sent to the Cuban waters, and other active steps have been taken for strengthening the naval force of the United States, while the citizens of New York come forward to offer their services to the American Government in the event of war.

There are indeed explanations to be offered for the most formidable of these indications. In the first place we are reminded that the American President has not the privilege, which resides in European royalty, of declaring war upon his own sovereign will; he can only do so with the concurrence of the Sen

nothing can be more mistaken. In our pages we have explained the nature of a project for establishing a direct carrying-trade between some southern port and a port in this country, in order that the cotton-growers of the southern states might not be at the mercy of the north. It was supposed that in such cases there would be something like a triangular trade instead of the rectangular trade, which makes New York the medium both ways, giving her a double profit at the expense of the south, and degrading the trade of the Carolinas and Florida to the rank of a

coasting instead of a foreign trade. The project was announced, but it has not been realized. The north therefore clings to its position as partner of the south; and the entire firm must consent to forego a commerce which equals that with the rest of the world, in order to indulge the caprice of a little military exercise with England. It is true that the Americans are readier than the English to "sell up," more prepared for extremes; true also that the "Rowdy" interest has its representatives even in the money-market. The last circumstance, however, in part explains some of the excitement; for do not let us forget that even in London "the Bears" of the money-market can turn something more than an honest penny by the mere report and anticipation of war. Certain it is that the leading men of the Union, the resident representatives, are almost as ready as we are in England to assume that a war between the two countries would be "impossible," because of the immense interests involved.

previous question involved in the demand for papers, or to the claim of certain Americans for compensation: we have as yet only an ex parte statement, and the papers are promised. The information conveyed should be as full as possible. Whatever may be the issue, we have to deal with a powerful adversary. It is not the case of Brazil over again, in which an English Government can bully with impunity. Whatever may be the merits of the question, our Cabinet might have need of all the resources by which it can strengthen its position. Amongst those resources the most valuable perhaps would be the common sense of both countries. If any Americans have been exaggerating, or inventing the irregularities that they allege, let the misrepresentations be exposed; let them be exposed honestly and fully, with complete candor, and the solid men of the Union, as well as of the United Kingdom, will take care that justice be satisfied. If we have been endeavoring to enforce our own convictions upon any alien community without their assent, if any over-zealous commanders have been exceeding their instructions, if the instructions themselves have. been imprudently lax or incautious in tone, let the mistake on our own side be frankly avowed and promptly corrected. In fact, if either Government, our own in particular, shall seek simply to satisfy the requirements and dictates of common sense, it will stand on ground too safe to be impugned, and will assume a position the best for rebutting the excesses or the intrigues, whether of Governments or of individuals.

From The Examiner, 12 June. THE SLAVE TRADE.

We must

So perhaps it would be, if the Governments of the two countries were more essentially bound up with the commercial and substantial interests of society than they are; but that is not so on either side of the Atlantic. With reference to these material interests, the Governments on both sides may to a certain extent be regarded in the light of adventurers, persons separated from the weighty and enduring interests of the society over which they rule, yet holding in their hands immense power, which may be employed for a blow at any moment. Here is the danger. A little display of "energy " in the orders issued may be the warrant for any reckless naval commander, whether English or American, to perpetrate some act which would SYDNEY SMITH was right. It is high arouse the people of either country beyond time that we should cease defending, and, in the control of reason. It is only fair to sup- so doing, offending all the world. pose, however, at least of our own Govern- begin to take care of ourselves. We must ment, that it feels its responsibility, alike to begin to live more within our means of servmaintain the honor of England, and to avoid ing mankind. We must restrict our excessacrificing the solid interests of the country sive issues of philanthropy. Let every fair in the indulgence of any mere caprice. It is endeavor be made to move other nations to possible that the apprehension of material put an end to the abomination of the slave consequences will not deter the Government trade, but if they will not do their duty, we on the other side from taking that course, cannot, single-handed, make up for all their which appears to be necessitated by "dignity"; omissions, and must withdraw from a work but it seems almost certain that the Govern- not only over-tasking our powers but exposing ment that should commence the war, on which- us to the danger of embroilment and war soever side, would be perfectly unable to with the United States. maintain itself against the popular indignation of its own commonwealth. Should the Government at Washington really plunge the Republic in hostilities with its best customer, north and south would soon, under the sufferings drawn upon both, call it to account, and appoint its successor to remedy the mischief. We have discussed the question of war and peace without reference to the merits of the

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord Brougham

" solemnly adjured his noble friend Lord Malmesbury to take all possible means of urging upon the Spanish Government the duty of making every effort for the extirpation of the slave trade in the Spanish colonies -an object which they were bound not only by the stipulations of treaties, but by every

principle of honor and honesty, to effect-by | American flag being constantly prostituted to prohibiting the corruption of the Government cover the slave trade, and other illegal acts, and other functionaries. The slave trade in and I think it is highly desirable that some Brazil, he might remind their lordships, had agreement should be made between the two been put an end to by the honesty and firm- countries, by which it may be distinctly underness of the Portuguese Government. He stood what proceedings ought to be taken by was most anxious to see the slave trade aban- their officers respectively for effectually disdoned by Spain, because it would then be no covering the impositions to which I have longer necessary for this country to attempt alluded, and which will not be offensive to what was impossible-the blockade of the honest traders. It is to that I have directed coast of Cuba, which, from the nature of that the attention of the Government of the coast, could never be effectual, and we should United States, and that no later than in a be relieved from the many and great perils to conversation which I had this morning with which we were now exposed of being brought into collision with other Powers."

Whether or not the Spanish Government puts down the slave trade, at our instance, in conformity with its engagements, the blockade of Cuba should be forthwith abandoned, for the reason given by Lord Brougham, that it is attempting an impossibility, and exposing us to the chance of collision with America in the vain endeavor. We must do Lord Malmesbury the justice to say that he spoke with excellent sense and temper on this subject.

the American Minister, and I think I may say there has not been any great difference of views between us."

The

No doubt, as Lord Clarendon stated in a speech as commendable as that of his successor in the Foreign Office, none of the acts charged are permissible under the officers' instructions, but the danger lies in the nature of the duty, and the temper which it generates. There is a superabundance of eagerness and activity; suspicion espies a slaver in disguise in every tub, and these things combined with a little indiscretion, such as is be"I trust that a great deal of exaggeration gotten sometimes on a hot day after dinner has taken place in the descriptions I have by an extra glass of wine, may cause a misseen, though, at the same time, I must con- adventure out of which may arise war, or fess I fear that some acts have been com- the danger of war, which is the next evil to mitted that are not justifiable either by inter- it as regards commercial relations. national law or by the treaties that exist niceties of circumspection are not to be looked between this country and the United States. for in the commanders of cruisers, while on I am informed that on one occasion a body of the other hand we have to lay our account men were landed from one of her Majesty's with the most exaggerated susceptibility on ships on the coast of Cuba, though that is of the side of those molested by any stretch of course a Spanish question, which can only be interference. Raise the blockade before misincidentally mentioned when speaking with regard to America. Statements have also been made that considerable annoyance has been occasioned to American trading vessels lying at anchor at Havannah from a system of rowing round those vessels, watching their cargoes taken out and taken in, exercising surveillance and espionage over them, and finally chasing them out to sea after they left the port. It has also been stated that many American ships in the Gulf have been brought to by our crusiers and searched. Now, I say I have not the least idea whether these statements are correct or not, but these are the statements made, and your lordships know that neither international law nor the treaty of 1842 would justify us in taking such measures as these. I entirely agree with what my noble friend has said as to the

chief is done; and that is not all, let England give notice to all nations concerned in the slave trade that she will take her share in the work of humanity if they will contribute their quota of assistance, but that she will no longer consent to bear the whole burden of the task. Our own shores now call for the defences which are diverted to watching the coast board of Africa and Cuba. We must begin to look at home. With the work we have on our hands actually or prospectively, we must retrench some of our benevolence for blacks, and husband our resources to protect liberty in its last European hold. We have made large sacrifices for the suppression of slavery with very inadequate results, and all the circumstances of the time counsel us now to avoid cause of offence and improve means of defence.