first, obtain admission to a suitable boarding- | In a letter written at that time, she says: 'I house; the heads of those establishments am working hard for the parchment, which having been threatened with the desertion of I suppose will come in due time; but I have their best' inmates if she were received. | still an immense amount of dry reading to As she went through the streets, on her way get through with and to beat into my memory. to and from the college, audible whispers of I have been obliged to have a dress made for 'Here she comes!' or rude cries of Come the graduation ceremony; and meanwhile it on, Bill, let's have a good look at the lady- lies quietly in my trunk, biding its time. It doctor!' would meet her ears; and not only is a rich black silk, with a cape, trimmed with idle boys, but well-dressed men and women, black silk fringe, and some narrow white lace would place themselves before her, or draw round the neck and cuffs. I could not avoid up in little knots along the pavement, to see the expense, though a grievous one for a poor her go by, as though she had been some student; for the affair will take place in a strange animal from another planet. But crowded church; I shall have to mount to a the passage of the quiet-looking little figure, platform, on which sits the president of the dressed with the utmost simplicity, taking no university in gown and triangular hat, surnotice of the rude people about her, and rounded by rows of reverend professors; and looking neither to the right hand nor to the of course I can neither disgrace womankind, left, gradually ceased to excite remark; and the college, nor the Blackwells, by presenting when she had been called upon by the wives myself in a shabby gown.' of some of the professors, the most 'respect- "In January, 1849, the ceremony in quesable' of the boarding-houses consented to tion took place, as just described. The church receive her as an inmate. was crowded to suffocation; an immense "From the time when she had first re-number of ladies being present, attracted solved to enter upon the study of medicine, until a very recent period, she pursued a system of self-denial in every branch of personal expenditure so rigid that it would be hardly credible to those who had not witnessed its details, and involving privations that only her exceptional temperament could have enabled her to undergo. Her arrangements were invariably made on the most inexpensive scale; she put up with the simplest accommodations, dressed with more than Quaker plainness, went about on foot in all weathers to the utmost limit of her strength, and resolutely denied herself every thing, without exception, that it was possible for her to do without. Her refusing herself a little bottle of eau de Cologne, which she could have bought for fourpence-half-penny, and to which, being very fond of scents, she happened one day to take an especial fancy that she was haunted for years with occasional visions of that same little bottle, was in accordance with the invariable rule she had marked out for herself. Acts of rare generosity on her part towards others during this period might be cited; but with regard to herself-although additional resources were placed at her disposal by her relatives in England-her selfdenial was inexorable; every farthing thus economized being regarded by her as so much gained for the exigencies of future study, and treasured accordingly. Such having been her mode of action from the beginning of her student's career, it was not without an almost heroic effort that, as her course of study drew towards its close, she compelled herself to purchase a handsome black silk dress for the grand affair of her graduation.

from every point of the compass, from twenty miles round, by the desire to witness the presentation of the first medical diploma ever bestowed on a woman; and among the crowd were some of her own family, who had come to Geneva to be present on the occasion. When the preliminary ceremonial had been gone through with, and various addresses had been delivered, the wearer of the black silk dress ascended to the platform with a number of her brother-students, and received from the hands of Dr. Lee, the venerable president of the university, the much-desired diploma, which with its seal and blue ribbon, and the word Dominus changed to Domina, admitted her into the ranks of the medical fraternity hitherto closed against her sex. Each student on receiving the diploma, returned a few words of thanks. On receiving hers, Dr. Elizabeth replied, in a low voice, but amidst a hush of curiosity and interest so intense that the words were audible throughout the building:

"I thank you, Mr. President, for the sanction given to my studies by the institution of which you are the head. With the help of the Most High, it shall be the endeavor of my life to do honor to the diploma you have conferred upon me.'

"The president, in his concluding address, alluded to the presence of a lady-student during the collegiate course then closing, as an innovation that had been in every way a fortunate one;' and stated that the zeal and energy she had displayed in the acquisition of science had offered a brilliant example to the whole class;' that her presence had exercised a beneficial influence upon her fellow

A JEWISH LADY vs. Miss MUTOCK. To known to the ancient Jew," he was distinctly the Editors of Chambers's Journal.-Gentlemen-taught that by penitence, and penitence alone, In the series of papers contributed to your could he secure the pardon of his God. periodical by the gifted author of John Halifax, The other passage, whose fallacy but a superGentleman, and recently published in a collected ficial acquaintance with biblical history suffices form, under the title of A Woman's Thoughts to demonstrate, sets forth that: "Nature herself about Women, occur two serious misrepresenta- has apparently decided for women, physically tions of the doctrines of the Bible. as well as metally, that their natural destiny should be not of the world. In the earlier ages of Judaism and Islamism, nobody ever seems to have ventured a doubt of this. Christianity alone raised the woman to her rightful place as man's one help-meet for him, bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh, his equal in all points of vital moment."

To your ever-present desire to disseminate truth, not falsehood-to inform, not to misinform, the people, the labors of your lives give unequivocal testimony. In accordance with the principles by which your efforts to popularize knowledge have ever been guided, you will doubtless grant a place in your widely-circulated Journal to the few observations I am about to offer; the more readily, as they refer to the sacred, world-wide cause of Divine Revelation. At page 301 of Chambers's Journal, Dec. 12, 1857, occurs this remark: "I believe there is no other light on this difficult question, than that given by the New Testament. There, clear and plain, shines the doctrine of which, until then, there was no trace either in external or revealed religion that for every crime, being repented of and forsaken, there is forgiveness with Heaven, and if with Heaven, there ought to be with men. This, without at all entering into the doctrinal question of atonement, but simply taking the basis of Christian morality, as contrasted with the natural morality of the savage, or even of the ancient Jew, which, without equivalent retribution, presupposes no such thing as pardon."

I consider this, the second of the two passages referred to, first, because it is the more important in its action on the moral convictions of the hnman race. Its refutation here rests not on deductions, manifest as they are from the whole tenor of the writings of Moses and the Prophets. I shall, I am sure, best fulfil the duty I have undertaken by bespeaking the patience of your readers in verifying here the references I append below, to one passage of each of certain of the inspired writers from Moses to Malachi. My difficulty in their selection has been, not to find, but to withhold; so numerous are the texts which shew that so far from the doctrine of the forgiveness of sin following on repentance, being

It seems to be almost an insult to the memory of your readers, who, from week to week, attend the services of their parish church, to remind them that the words quoted by our author as indicative of the true vocation of woman, and accompanied by the declaration that it was assigned to her by Christianity alone, are the very words in which her Creator's aim in her creation is described by Moses, in the earliest of all writ ten revelations; or to advert to the part women played in the great drama of life, during the existence of both the republican and monarchical forms of government that prevailed in Judea, For, that the Hebrew women did appear as actors in many scenes of their race's history, is abundantly shown by their public participation in all the most important national events; as also in that most sacred of all functions-prophecy. I once more cite,* on this head, the verses of Scripture. They tell of the "Women of Israel," who, by their words and deeds, aided the great cause of "national and religious regeneration."

The columns of a popular journal are not the fitting arena for polemical controversy or personal criticism, or it would be easy to prove, that while holding forth the urn, which our writer affirms is alone filled with the pure waters of life the attempt to shew that the very source whence those waters first flowed, is turgid and impure, is as inconsistent as it is mistaken and futile. I remain, Gentlemen, which must esteem, "" un-yours, ANNA MARIA GOLDSMID.

*Lev., xxiii, 27-32; xxvi. 40-42; Deut., iv. 30, 81; 1 Kings, viii. 38, 39; 2 Chron., vi. 27; Nehemiah, i. 9; Psalms, li. 17: ciii. 3; Isaiah, lvii. 15; Jeremiali, iii. 12; Ezekiel, xviii. 21, 22, 23, 27; Joel, ii. 12, 18; Micah, vii. 18; Malachi, iii. 7.

*Exodus, x. 20, 21; Deut., xxx. 10, 11, 12, Judges, iv. 4; v; xiii.; 1 Samuel, i. 1, 2; 2 Kings, xi. 2; xxii. 14, 15; 2 Chron., xxxiv. 22; the book of Esther; Proverbs, xxxi. 1; Jeremiah, xliv. 20.

From The Economist, 5 June.

THE RIGHT OF SEARCH QUESTION; AND
THE DUTY OF ENGLAND TO AMERICA.

but

Were the present Government of the United States as willing as that of President Tyler to come to a common understanding Ir is obviously of the very greatest mo- with England for the suppression of the ment that the widely-ramified commercial re- slave trade, there can be no doubt that no lations between England and the United serious difficulty could arise. But, unfortuStates should not be complicated or inter- nately, it is not so. The great question on rupted without reasons of paramount impor- which the victory of the present administratance. Not only does every thing that en- tion was gained, was the question of slavery. dangers the concord of England and Amer- And, unfortunately, not only has the opinion ica derange a vast system of trade, with of the United States Government become, which the best moral interests of the Eng- since 1843 more favorable to the view of the lish artisan, no less than of the English Southern States, but amongst the people at manufacturer, are closely bound up, large, even in the North, there is but too every such interruption to the friendliness much evidence that the movement of opinion of our intercourse, where it seems to be at has been in the same direction. At the last all arbitrary or even not to be clearly re-election the popular (as distinguished from quired by the obligations of international du- the secondary electoral) vote showed that ty, diminishes our political and social influvery nearly one-half the voters of the Free ence with the United States, by irritating the States were in favor of the Pro-Slavery cansensitive pride of the people. The old disdidate,—a result much more favorable to content as to the right of search claimed by slavery than the corresponding popular vote British cruisers after slave-ships has sprung in the previous contest between General up again-not unnaturally-on the accession Pierce and General Scott. Other, though of a Ministry to the supreme power in Wash- far less trustworthy, indications seem to conington which is openly favorable to slavery, firm the fact of this retrogression of opinion. and which is supported by many who are At a meeting of the American Tract Society openly favorable even to a renewal of the just held in New York, the majority have slave trade. In 1843 President Tyler dis- refused to confirm the resolution passed last cussed the very same question which has now year, that "The Society can and ought to again arisen with the Government of Lord publish on the moral duties which grow out Aberdeen. It was then clearly understood of the existence of slavery, and the moral that the difficulty arises entirely from the evils and vices which it is known to profact that a real slaver hoists any flag that mote." Nay they have even refused, we suits his purpose best, while the American hear, to vote "that no publication of the Soflag, as the flag of the most powerful neu-ciety shall imply the Christian lawfulness of tral, almost always does suit his purpose slavery." We mention these things now, not best. The Government of the United States for the sake of any comment on the lamentat that time admitted that it was not credit- able state of public feeling in the States able for the American Government that such which they imply, but to prove that the diffioffenders should be screened by this unscru-culties likely to spring up between England pulous use of their flag. And it was accord- and America on this subject are, in all ingly agreed that wherever circumstances calculated to excite suspicion existed, the English should have a right of boarding and demanding to see the ship's papers,-while in any case in which this search had taken place without result, the American vessel should be indemnified by the British for the loss of time and the annoyance incurred. The Americans also agreed to keep a squadron off the coast of Africa to prevent, so far as possible, this abuse of their flag; and so, with the full consent of Congress, the matter was then settled.

pro

bability, of much deeper root than a disagreement as to the conduct of one or two British cruisers in the Gulf of Mexico might seem to imply. Possibly the commander of H.M.S. Styx, or even the commanders of other English ships of war, may have exceeded their instructions, and boarded ships bearing the American flag with little adequate ground for suspecting them to be engaged in the slave trade. But General Cass's remonstrance, and the attitude assumed by the American Government, seem to indicate that

a policy, rather than a special case of mis- | American traders;-and this by no means conduct, is at the foundation of their present principally for the great commercial interests protest. It is well-known that while Ameri- at stake, but also for the higher interests of ca and England are equally pledged to exert themselves for the suppression of the slave trade,—America is totally lukewarm in the service, and even anxious to favor the escape of the slave-ships. Were there any cordial understanding between the two Governments nothing would be easier than to arrive, as we arrived in 1843, at a mutual understanding on the subject. But as this, as we have shown, is not the case,-what, we must ask, ought to be the attitude of England?

the very cause we have at heart. Nothing could be more injudicious, more thorougly and recklessly culpable, than to precipitate the present unhealthy tendencies of American politics by irritating their national pride, and so placing the Anti-Slavery party among them at a disadvantage. We have no right to do this. If, indeed, as we have only too good grounds to fear, the public sentiment of the American States be rapidly setting in this evil direction, let us be completely free from Now, it must be remembered, that quite any responsibility for having accelerated the apart from the consideration of the great com- movement. Let us by our forbearance and mercial interests involved, there is probably the strict courtesy of our dealings give them nothing that would hurt the very cause in no excuse for withdrawing from their co-ope which we are engaged so grievously as any ration in this righteous cause. Nay, we must conduct on our part which might give the remember that should we drift into any quar United States Government an excuse for rid-rel, we have virtually sacrificed our cause alding itself entirely of the engagements to together; for all our spare naval power would which it still stands pledged. England, then be needed for the struggle with the therefore, has to consider how she can best keep the United States to that engagement, and, in short, how she may most effectually meet the difficult conditions of her present position with regard to the slave trade.

United States,-and the slave-traders would reap all the benefit. When to this consideration, of the certainty of injuring the very cause for which we contend, is added the thought of all the manifold misery which such a war would cause, the terrible calamity,

Now, we take three points to be quite clear, -first, that the slave trade can only be sup-moral as well as physical, to both Europe pressed by a concert of nations, since no sin- and America,-the solemn duty of refraining gle nation, even though navally as power from any rash conduct towards American ful as England, is at all equal to the task of traders is conspicuous indeed. The cause of sweeping at once such a coast as that of suppressing the slave trade is, indeed, a most Africa and the waters of the Gulf of Mexico; noble cause. But it is one that can prosper next, that the active hostility of a naval only by the mutual consent of nations, espepower so considerable and so close to the cially of all naval nations. It becomes, therescene of action as the United States would fore, our first duty to secure the voluntary and wholly paralyze any efforts we could make; cordial adhesion of all such nations,-or and lastly, that a quarrel with the United where that is not possible, to refrain seduStates, due to any injudicious display of ar-lously from any course of action which will rogance or suspicious irritation at their su- tend to absolve them from the duty of givpineness, on our part, would do more harm to the condition of this question in America than any other external cause whatever. And for all these weighty reasons we argue that our conduct ought to be most cautious and conciliatory in any proceedings we may have to take by virtue of our treaty-engagements. We are convinced that if we err on either side of the strict line of duty, it ought certainly to be on the side of conciliation to the

ing in that adhesion. On every account therefore, we recognize forbearance and caution as our first duties in this matter towards America. We cannot, by any taunts or rash conduct of ours rouse the dormant conscience of a Pro-Slavery Government; but we may so excite its pride, as to extinguish that remaining sense of honorable scruple in this matter which it is obvious that they still retain.