CHAP. XVI. SPAIN.-Unpopularity of the Government-Military Revoll in Madrid -Llauder compelled to resign-Weakness of the Ministry in the Cortes-Finance-Application of Church Property to Public Purposes-Seditious Movements at Malaga and Saragossa-Military Occurrences in Navarre and Biscay-Successes of the Carlists-Severe Measures adopted by Mina-Mina resigns the Command, and is succeeded by Valdez-Valdez advances, but is compelled to fall back upon the Ebro-The Carlists take Trevino-Convention for the Protection of Prisoners concluded under the Mediation of EnglandPopular Movement in Madrid in consequence of this ConventionProrogation of the Cortes-Spain applies for Assistance against the Carlists to Britain and France-Refused, but Allowed to enlist Men in Britain-Count Toreno Prime Minister-The Carlists take Elisondo, Irun, Vergara, Villafranca, and Durango-They besiege and bombard Bilboa-Death of Zumalacarregui-The Carlists raise the Siege-Valdez resigns the Command of the Royal Army, and is succeeded by Cordova-Disturbed State of the Interior-Insurrection and Massacre of the Priests at Barcelona-A Junta formed which usurps the Powers of Government—Similar Occurrences at Saragossa-Valencia-Cadiz-Malaga-the Balearic Islands-Corunna-Futile Decrees of the Government-Military Revolt in Madrid -Decree dissolving the Juntas disobeyed-The Andalusian insurgents march towards Madrid-Ministers resign, and Mendizabal forms a New Ministry-Decrees regarding the Press, and the suppression of Monasteries and Convents-A Levy en masse orderedMeeting of the Cortes-Vole of Confidence in the Government-New Electoral law-Military Events-An Auxiliary Force from Portugal enters Spain. PORTUGAL.- Complaints of the Opposition-Bill for the sale of National Property-Finances-Other measures of the Cortes-Death of Prince Augustus-Change of Ministry - The dismissed Minister of Finance recalled-Difference of opinion between the Queen and Cabinet as to sending Troops into Spain-Ministers resign-The Queen is forced to recal them-She finally dismisses them-Queen's Marriage-Meeting in the Cape Verd IslandsTermination of the Methuen Treaty with England-Convention with Spain for the Navigation of the Douro. LTHOUGH the Spanish ministry had succeeded, by assembling the Cortes, in producing, for a time, apparent tranquillity, and had been supported by that assembly in its financial operations, it neither was secure of a decided majority in the legislature, nor did it possess sufficient strength to control the different parties which were gradually forcing themselves into more decided action. The new government of the queen regent had been founded on an abandonment of the old system of unmitigated despotism: her daughter's throne was to be identified with more liberal institutions, and was thus to be protected by all political reformers. But the degree to which the old system was to be abandoned, and the forms in which a popular government were to be established, were questions on which every possible degree of diversity of opinion prevailed. The electoral law already introduced, with its limited franchise, and indirect elections, was far from giving contentment even to the party who wished nothing more than a strong and constitutional monarchy, and it, necessarily, was infinitely far from satisfying the more active and turbulent adherents of the ultra-liberal institutions of 1820. The former confined themselves to parliamentary opposition. In the preceding session they had carried the Declaration of Rights, but it still remained to embody its general and abstract propositions in practical and efficient laws. The democratical party, again, though weak in the Cortes, had its adherents in the most important towns and districts of the monarchy, and was dangerous by its machinations. They had established a secret society in Madrid, by which they acted on other parts of the country, and endeavoured to gain the garrison of the capital and the Urban militia or national guards. The Carlists, likewise, though no lovers of liberal institutions, lent them selves to shake and embarrass the government; for whatever weak ened the throne of the queen strengthened the hopes of Don Carlos; whatever tended to produce confusion and anarchy favoured the return of absolute power. The appointment of Llauder, too, as minister at war, had excited jealousies and suspicions among all who did not wish the return of the old order of things, and had contributed to render the ministry unpopular. It was to the remonstrances of that officer, as captain general of Catalonia,-remonstrances much more bold than energetic-that the new system, in a great measure, owed its existence: his menaces had driven the regent to throw herself into the arms of the constitutionalists. But he was not trusted, and there was nothing in the history of his past life to conciliate confidence. His policy was believed to be directed, not indeed to change the occupant of the throne, but to restore its prerogatives, because his personal ambition would have freer scope under an absolute monarch than under the restraints of a popular government. He was accused not merely of failing, as war minister, to make sincere and hearty exertions to put down the Carlists in Biscay and Navarre, but of wilfully allowing them to gather strength; and this, again, was imputed partly to the mutual enmity which subsisted between him and Mina, and partly to a desire to produce a pretext for demanding the assistance of a French army. The colleagues of Llauder did not repose more confidence in him than the nation. He was more disposed to make his own way by personal influence with the regent than as one of an united ministerial body. In the beginning of the present year, when he had not been long in office, considerable agitation was produced in Madrid by reports that he had succeeded in ousting Martinez de la Rosa and Toreno, and receiving authority to form a cabinet after his own heart. The unquiet elements, which were thus at work, shewed themselves first in a military revolt. Early on the morning of the 18th of January, the second regiment of the line, which formed part of the garrison of Madrid, turned out in arms, and seized the post-office, disarming the guard. So far as their objects could be learned from their cries, they wanted "Liberty and the Cortes of 1812," mingling in their acclamations the queen and the regent. General Canterac, the captain-general of the metropolitan province, hastened to the spot, and attempted to parley with them; they answered with a volley of musketry, and the captain-general fell dead. The other troops of the garrison were then called out; and Llauder, who assumed the command, ordered the revolters to be attacked from dif. ferent sides in their position of the post-office. An engagement ensued; several lives were lost on both sides, but the mutineers were not dislodged. Seeing, however, that their cause was hopeless, as no other body of troops had joined them, they offered to submit on receiving an unconditional pardon. Llauder closed with them upon these terms; not a single man was punished; not a single example was made. All that was insisted on was, that they should immediately march to join the army of Navarre, and, in the course of the same night, they left Madrid for their destination, with colours flying and drums beating. Not merely the alarming nature of this occurrence, but still more the impunity with which these perpetrators of treason and murder had been allowed to escape, excited loud clamours against the government, and particularly against Llauder. On the 19th, the Chamber of Procuradores directed him to attend to give explanations as to what had happened, and to shew that they were in earnest, they resolved, by a large majority, to declare their sittings permanent till he should have appeared. Llauder entered the Chamber, while this motion was under discussion; but still it was insisted that it should be put to the vote. One orator after another then poured forth against him all the fears and suspicions which had been accumulating. He had been seeking, they said, to monopolise the confidence of the regent, and to abuse it in order to effect the dismissal of the other ministers, and to govern the country by a Camarilla composed of persons whose former conduct and opinions rendered it impossible that they could ever be trusted by a people equally resolved to support its own liberties and the rights of the throne. Since the moment of his entry to the ministry, one cause of apprehension after another had been disturbing the public mind. The army of the north was to be paralysed, by the position of its corps being changed, because Mina commanded it; Mina himself was to be recalled: conciliation was to be attempted with the pretender to the throne, and public report said, it was intended to propose a marriage between the queen and the son of Don Carlos. every reason to dread treachery, and to suspect, that disturbances would be encouraged in order to serve some sinister purpose. The war-minister had notice of the revolt of the 18th on the preceding evening; he had taken no means to prevent it, and had punished the offenders by sending them on a service in which every true Spaniard would consider it an hour to be allowed to take a part. It was proposed, therefore, to present an address to the regent, declaring that the cabinet, as at present constituted, did not possess the confidence of the Chamber. There was be calumnies. He had been only three weeks in office; he had already laid before the cabinet a memorial on the war in the northern provinces, and the recommendations, which it contained, had been unanimously approved of by his colleagues. Instead of reinforcements having been refused to Mina, every man had been sent who could be brought forward, with the exception of one regiment, the march of which it had been found necessary to countermand in consequence of disturb ances in Granada. He had in no respect interfered with the movements of the divisions forming the army in the north, and had left its commander full power to use it as he might think best, without attempting either to direct or to paralyse his operations. He had given surer pledges to the existing government than those in whom the language of violent liberalism concealed strong Carlism. His address to the regent in May last year had produced those events which established the freedom of the country. In Catalonia he had raised a body of 40,000 men, had disarmed 24,000 Carlists, and had left the province in such a state of tranquillity, that he had already been able to send troops from it into Navarre to aid that very army which he was now accused of wishing to render inefficient. Although the motion was general in its terms, and although, in the discussion, the other ministers had received their share of blame for the lenity which had been shown to the mutineers, it was Llauder whom it was intended to reach. That minister admitted, that he received some vague information, on the night of the 17th, of a rising being prepared, not for next morning, when it actually took place at an early hour, but for the next evening; and he had immediately transmitted that information to the captain-general. So soon as he heard of the actual insurrection, he hastened to the spot at the head of the troops, and compelled the rebels to capitulate. In treating it with lenity, he had only been actuated by a desire to avoid the shedding of blood, and the certain loss of life in a continued contest with men rendered desperate by the refusal of pardon. The other ministers had concurred with him, and to pardon was the prerogative of the Crown. All the other pretended accusations against him he declared to VOL. LXXVII. The other ministers did not abandon their colleague, but the course of the three days' debate convinced Llauder that his most prudent course would be to yield to the storm. He gave in his resignation, and returned to the captainship general of Catalonia, an office which his enemies, both [2_F] In the beginning of the present year, when he had not been long in office, considerable agitation was produced in Madrid by reports that he had succeeded in ousting Martinez de la Rosa and Toreno, and receiving authority to form a cabinet after his own heart. The unquiet elements, which were thus at work, shewed themselves first in a military revolt. Early on the morning of the 18th of January, the second regiment of the line, which formed part of the garrison of Madrid, turned out in arms, and seized the post-office, disarming the guard. So far as their objects could be learned from their cries, they wanted "Liberty and the Cortes of 1812," mingling in their acclamations the queen and the regent. General Canterac, the captain-general of the metropolitan province, hastened to the spot, and attempted to parley with them; they answered with a volley of musketry, and the captain-general fell dead. The other troops of the garrison were then called out; and Llauder, who assumed the command, ordered the revolters to be attacked from dif. ferent sides in their position of the post-office. An engagement ensued; several lives were lost on both sides, but the mutineers were not dislodged. Seeing, however, that their cause was hopeless, as no other body of troops had joined them, they offered to submit on receiving an unconditional pardon. Llauder closed with them upon these terms; not a single man was punished; not a single example was made. All that was insisted on was, that they should immediately march to join the army of Navarre, and, in the course of the same night, they left Madrid for their destination, with colours flying and drums beating. Not merely the alarming nature of this occurrence, but still more the impunity with which these perpetrators of treason and murder had been allowed to escape, excited loud clamours against the government, and particularly against Llauder. On the 19th, the Chamber of Procuradores directed him to attend to give explanations as to what had happened, and to shew that they were in earnest, they resolved, by a large majority, to declare their sittings permanent till he should have appeared. Llauder entered the Chamber, while this motion was under discussion; but still it was insisted that it should be put to the vote. One orator after another then poured forth against him all the fears and suspicions which had been accumulating. He had been seeking, they said, to monopolise the confidence of the regent, and to abuse it in order to effect the dismissal of the other ministers, and to govern the country by a Camarilla composed of persons whose former conduct and opinions rendered it impossible that they could ever be trusted by a people equally resolved to support its own liberties and the rights of the throne. Since the moment of his entry to the ministry, one cause of apprehension after another had been disturbing the public mind. The army of the north was to be paralysed, by the position of its corps being changed, because Mina commanded it; Mina himself was to be recalled: conciliation was to be attempted with the pretender to the throne, and public report said, it was intended to propose a marriage between the queen and the |