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give her the lilies and a full account of | public, and may, in view of subsequent her lassie, Drumsheugh watched him events, be worth recital.

till he disappeared.

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I reached Sofia a few days after the Thirty pund wes what he drew frae birth of the infant prince who is now the Muirtown bank oot o' his savings, the heir-apparent to the Bulgariau for the clerk telt me himsel, an' nae- throne. This event, strangely enough, body jalouses the trick. It's the clev-impaired the supremacy which Stamerest thing Jamie ever did, an' ane o' bouloff had hitherto enjoyed, by leadthe best a've seen in Drumtochty."

IAN MACLAREN.

From The Fortnightly Review. THE STORY OF STAMBOULOFF'S FALL.

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ing to an antagonism of policy between himself and Prince Ferdinand. As the key to the whole subsequent series of events is to be found in the rupture which occurred between the prince and the premier, it is necessary to dwell somewhat at length on the startingIt was my fortune to reside in Sofia point of their quarrel. Up to the birth during the last months of the Stam- of his son and heir Prince Ferdinand bouloff ministry. It was my fortune had little independent hold — and, also to be in intimate relations with what is even more important, knew various personages who were either that he had no such hold on the symactors or interested spectators in the pathies of his subjects. In the earlier drama of Bulgarian politics. The fate years of his reign he labored under vaof the Stambouloff administration, or,rious disadvantages, for many of which more correctly speaking, of its great he was not responsible. He was a forchief for in those days Stambouloff eigner, and all foreigners are unpopaud his ministry were almost equiv- ular in Bulgaria. He was a Catholic, alent terms formed the one absorb-and all Catholics are viewed with dising topic of interest at the time; and, therefore, given the relations of which I speak, I was kept informed of every stage in the strange tragi-comedy which preceded the downfall of the so-called Bismarck of Bulgaria. I left Sofia on the eve of his enforced resignation. Of the events which followed I know comparatively little. As to the actual circumstances of his assassination I know nothing beyond what I have learnt from the newspaper reports, and I have not the power, even if I had the wish, to express any opinion as to the immediate causes of that atrocious crime. But I think a recital of the events which preceded the fall of the Stambouloff government may throw a certain amount of light on the personal causes which led first to the premier's deposition from his quasi-dictatorship, and ultimately to his untimely and cruel death. During the period to which I refer there happened to be no representative of the English press at Sofia. The story, therefore, of the last days of the Stambouloff régime is, I fancy, very little known to the British

trust by the Bulgarian priesthood, which forms one of the most powerful elements in the principality, as in all commuuities belonging to the Eastern rite. He was ignorant of the country and the language, and could only communicate with his people through his ministers. He had succeeded a singularly popular sovereign in the person of the hero of Slievnitza, and had succeeded under circumstances which through no fault of his own, were not calculated to increase his popularity; and, more than all, he was not- and never can bethe kind of personage to enlist the sympathies of the people of the Peasant State. Indeed, up to the period in question, his chief, if not his only, hold on his subjects was that he was believed to be the safeguard of their national independence, while the main ground for this belief lay in the fact that he was the nominee of Stambouloff, and was supposed to enjoy the full confidence of his nominator. With the birth of a son his position became materially altered. One of the dominant characteristics of the Bulgarian

nationality consists of a profound pride | course it is impossible for me to say in a more or less mythical past, and a how far the coufidence thus expressed still more profound faith in a more or less problematical future. The fact that for the first time for many centuries a Bulgarian prince had been born on Bulgarian soil, bearing the name of the national hero of Bulgarian legend, seemed to the mind of the Bulgarian peasantry a certain sign and symbol of the restoration of the ancient Bulgarian empire. Residents utterly unconnected with the court declared to me that they had never witnessed such a display of enthusiasm amidst a singularly undemonstrative people as that which greeted the news of Prince Boris's birth. From that time Prince Ferdinand felt with some amount of justice that his title to the throne rested on grounds independent of Stambouloff's support and favor.

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was genuine, or was assumed for a purpose. But I am inclined to think that the premier's belief in his own personal popularity was absolutely sincere. From all I could learn, I have no doubt that in so far as there is any genuine public opinion in Bulgaria, that opinion was then, and probably is still, in favor of Stambouloff's policy. A country in which the Bulgarian atrocities — atrocities, it should never be forgotten, committed in the main by Bulgarians upon Bulgarians were a possibility cannot be judged by our English ideas. Nations amongst whom the rule of force has prevailed for centuries, do not develop a sudden love for legality or a sudden horror of oppression. Even if the stories of his detractors were true to the letter, which they certainly were not, and even if Stambouloff, when putting down all opposition, as he certainly did, with an iron hand, had disregarded not only legality, but humanity in punishing those who rebelled against his authority, his action would only have been condemned by the victims of his arbitrary rule, and would have commended itself to the great majority of his fellow-countrymen.

Very shortly after my arrival at Sofia I had an interview with Stambouloff at his own house. On this occasion he spoke to me very frankly, as was his wont, about his political position. He assured me that, personally, he should be very glad to retire from office, firstly on account of his health, which gave him uneasiness, secondly, on account of his private affairs, which suffered from his inability to give them the atA strong ruler is tention they required. At the time I not only feared, but respected, and thought these phrases were the mere even liked, in all Oriental countries; commonplaces every minister in all and Bulgaria is, and for years to come countries and on all occasions is apt to must remain, an Oriental country in employ when there is any talk of his sentiment. Added to this, Stambouloff resignation; but later events have was completely in sympathy with the caused me to think they were spoken Bulgarian people. He shared their with more sincerity than I then sup- ideas, their aspirations, their prejuposed. However, he admitted that for dices, and knew how to speak to them the time being he had no idea of quit-after their own fashion. Simple in ting office. His presence at the head his tastes and mode of life, accessible of affairs he considered necessary to to everybody, good-natured and friendly the maintenance of Bulgarian inde- to all, except to those who thwarted pendence, and he was willing to remain his will, he was an ideal ruler of a in office so long as he enjoyed the ap- half-civilized community of small peasproval of the country and the confi- ant farmers. The only error I think dence of the prince. So soon as one of he committed in his estimate of his these supports failed him, he was will-fellow-countrymen's feelings towards ing and glad to resign; but up to the present he had the country on his side, and he had every reason to believe that the prince approved of his policy. Of

himself was that he underrated their Oriental readiness to side with the strongest, to obey servilely whoever may be in power.

I think also, though I am not equally | try. This may have been the result confident as to this, that Stambouloff of the egotism which forms the domiwas sincere in his expression of con- nant feature of Prince Ferdinand's fidence in Prince Ferdinand. There character, but certainly if I had known were many reasons why this confidence nothing previously of the history of might have seemed well-merited. Not Bulgaria, and of the events which had only did the prince owe his throne to occurred since the abdication of his the ex-regent, but the success which predecessor, I should have supposed had attended his reign was by common from the prince's remarks that the cousent due to his prime minister, and policy of the State had been conceived his prime minister alone. Stambouloff and dictated by himself with the ashad seen too much of the world, and sistance, doubtless, of his prime minisespecially of the Bulgarian world, to ter, to whose ability he paid a fitting, believe implicitly in the potency of though by no means enthusiastic comhuman gratitude, otherwise than ac-pliment. It struck me also as curious cording to the well-known cynical at the time that while speaking very definition as a hope of favors to bitterly about the personal animosity come. The chief ground of his reli- displayed by the then czar, he went out ance upon the prince's support was a of his way to assure me of his gratitude conviction that he was absolutely in- towards Russia, and his deep sense of dispensable to his royal master, and the services she had rendered his that his royal master knew him to be adopted country. The impression left indispensable. The extraordinary vital- on my mind by the prince was not that ity of the man, his consciousness of of a man with any great original abilbeing, in intelligence, energy, and ity, but of a man very quick in approcourage a head and shoulders above his priating the ideas of others, possessing fellows, combined with his natural in- considerable insight into human charsouciance of character, led him to un-acter, especially in its lower and less derrate his opponents. I do not think, worthy aspects, and capable, notwithjudging from the terms he used in standing his seeming frivolousness, of speaking of the prince, that he gave pursuing his own ends with pertinacity his Highness credit for the application and adroitness. The French word with which he had mastered the Bulga-malin, for which there is no exact Enrian language, and had studied Bulga-glish equivalent, appeared to me the rian politics, that he appreciated the best description of his undoubted clevumbrage which his own masterful pol-erness, and I felt convinced that if his icy and his personal manner had given ministers regarded him, whether for to his sovereign, or that he realized good or bad, as a quantité négligéable in the fact that Prince Ferdinand was Bulgarian politics they were commitauxious to escape from leading-strings, ting a mistake which might be attended and to become in fact, as well as in with serious consequences. uame, the ruler of Bulgaria. The love of court pomp, pageantry, and etiquette which distinguishes Prince Ferdinand was so alien to Stambouloff's nature that it was difficult for him to imagine that a prince with whom this love seemed to be a ruling passion should also entertain any serious political ambitions.

On the occasion of my first audience the prince seemed unaccountably anxious to impress upon me, as a foreign visitor, the importance of the part he played in the government of the coun

Looking back upon the past by the light of subsequent events I cannot doubt that at the time of which I speak the prince had already conceived the notion of getting rid of the virtual tutelage in which he was kept by Stambouloff. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say that the prince had already foreseen the possibility of contingencies arising under which the interests of himself and his dynasty might prove inconsistent with the retention of Stambouloff as his prime minister. At the interview to which I

who observed that the pope was much depressed, tendered the remark that it must be a consolation to his Holiness to reflect that the barque of St. Peter could never make shipwreck. The answer of Pio Nino was, La barca, no, ma il pescatore, si. A similar reflection must often, I think, have presented itself to Prince Ferdinand's mind. It was all very true, as his ministers assured him, that recognition or no recognition, the safety of Bulgaria was assured, but how about himself and his dynasty? So long as he was not ac

refer the prince, amongst other mat-tailed were more galling than they ters, dwelt strongly upon the impor- would have been to common mortals. tance of his formal recognition by the But, apart from this, a less sensitive European powers in the interest of prince might well have considered that Bulgaria and of the peace of Europe. not only his own prospects, but those of Only a short time before Stambouloff his dynasty, were seriously imperilled and Grekoff, the then minister of for- by the reluctance of his ministers to eign affairs, had assured me that far take any steps to force on his recognifrom desiring the recognition of the tion. There is a story told that in the prince they had taken no steps to latter days of the temporal power a fersecure this recognition and should re-vent Catholic visitor to the Vatican, gard its accordance, in so far as Russia was concerned, as a national calamity. If once, they asserted, the czar agreed to accept Prince Ferdinand as the legitimate sovereign of the principality, Bulgaria would lose and not gain. The country could get on very well without recognition, while the one practical result of Russia's acknowledging her legal status would be the appointment of a Russian minister at the capital, and of Russian consuls in every town, and both legation and consulates would necessarily become centres of disaffection and intrigue against the cepted abroad by the powers as the established order of things. Naturally the ministers were anxious in speaking to me to put the best face on public affairs. But I learnt at the time, from persons more intimately acquainted with their ideas than a stranger could possibly be, that in their opinion the return of Russian representatives to Bulgaria would endanger the personal safety of all public men, who in common with themselves, were opposed to Russian intervention in the affairs of Bulgaria. This divergence of policy between the prince and the premier, two men who were hardly capable of understanding each other's point of view, was certain, sooner or later, to lead to an open rupture.

lawful sovereign of Bulgaria, it was always possible, or even probable, that his deposition might be demanded as an essential condition of any settlement; and if such a demand were made he was too shrewd a man to imagine that his loyal subjects would hesitate about throwing him over, supposing it suited their interests.

Given the character of Prince Ferdinand, it is probable enough that the manifest reluctance of his ministers to press for his recognition may have excited suspicions in his mind that they were really intriguing against himself and his dynasty. It is certain that there were persons about the court who were ready to suggest this suspicion to him, even if it had not already presented itself to his mind. He was assured from many quarters, from some honestly, from others with delibcrate deceit, that Stambouloff's personality and Stambouloff's anti-Russian policy were the real obstacles to his

I am anxious, in what I have to say on this subject, to do justice to both sides, and therefore I think it only fair to add that Prince Ferdinand's intense desire for official recognition was not so unreasonable or so childish as it is often alleged to have been. To a man fond of state, vain of his personal posi-recognition; that if he could only get tion, and morbidly susceptible as to his own dignity, the constant slights and rebuffs which his non-recognition en

rid of Stambouloff in such a manner as to gratify Russian susceptibilities, the czar would withdraw all personal oppo

sition, and that then his own recogni- not under that of any corporation or tion as sovereign of Bulgaria would community. It would take far too long follow as a matter of course. These to enter into the rights and wrongs of assurances were too much in accord- this vexed question. It is enough to ance with his personal ambitions and prejudices not to meet with ready acceptance. Thus, if I am right, the resolution of Ferdinand to part company with Stambouloff was formed upon — and largely in consequence of -the birth of Prince Boris, and the resolution thus formed was carried out with a persistency and power of dissimulation for which the prince's ministers were not prepared.

say that with or without justice, this decree was regarded as a deliberate attack on the Bulgarian nationality. The Macedonian question is not in reality a struggle on the part of the Christian population to get rid of the rule of Islam, but a conflict between the Bulgarian, Greek, and Servian nationalities in Macedonia, as to which of them shall establish its claim to the reversion of Macedonia, when, as may happen at any time, it is emancipated from Turkish domination. The schools under the old system were in the hauds of the Bulgarian clergy, and were admittedly employed as agencies for strengthening, extending, and consolidating the Bulgarian nationality movement in Macedonia. The decree to which I allude was believed to have been issued at the request of the Greeks of the Phanar, supported, as usual, by Russian influence, and its supposed object was to favor the Greek nationality in Macedonia, to the detriment of the Bulgarian. In consequence there was a general outcry throughout the principality, calling on the government to intervene actively on behalf of the Macedonian Bulgarians, even if this intervention should lead to an open rupture with the suzerain power.

The birth of the infant prince was followed by the long and alarming illness of his mother, the princess Marie of Parma. The death of his wife at this crisis would have materially impaired the prince's hold on the Bulgarian people. So long, therefore, as her recovery seemed doubtful, no active steps could be taken towards forcing on a ministerial crisis. Moreover, personal anxiety as to his wife's health doubtless occupied Prince Ferdinand's mind to the exclusion of other cares. Be this as it may, during the weeks which followed the princess's confinement Ferdinand held studiously aloof from all public affairs. He interfered very little, if at all, with his ministers, and they often found it difficult to obtain interviews with him on formal matters of business for which his signature was required. At last, towards This popular outcry placed the then the middle of March, the princess was ministry in a position of extreme diffisufficiently recovered to be removed culty. The whole policy of Stamboufrom Sofia, and in accordance with the loff was based upon the necessity of doctor's advice it was determined to maintaining friendly relations with take her to the neighborhood of Vi- Turkey, as a guarantee against Russiau enna. She was accompanied by her aggression; but friendly relations were husband, and in his absence Stam- an impossibility unless the obnoxious bouloff, as usual, was appointed regent. decree was repealed. In Bulgaria, as At this time the Bulgarian govern- in all other Christian provinces of the ment was confronted by a very embar- Ottoman Empire, it is extremely diffirassing controversy, which might easily cult, especially for a foreigner, to say have led, and indeed was expected to lead, to a ministerial crisis. Without any apparent reason or motive, the sultan had suddenly issued a decree to the effect that the Bulgarian schools in Macedonia must be placed under the ownership of some specified person,

how far any agitation against Turkey is real or fictitious, a home product or an artificial movement of foreign growth. All I can say is that there was in Bulgaria, during the spring of last year, all the outward indications of a strong popular agitation. Public

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