dominions. Under the impression of that opinion, he has concurred in what appeared to be the prevailing sentiments of the majority of the cabinet-that the admission of the Catholics and Dissenters to offices, and of the Catholics to parliament (from which latter the Dissenters are now excluded), would under certain conditions to be specified, be highly advisable, with a view to the tranquillity and improvement of Ireland, and to the general interests of the united kingdom.

For himself, he is, on full consideration, convinced that the measure would be attended with no danger to the Established Church, or to the Protestant interest in Great Britain or Ireland; -that now the Union has taken place, and with the new provisions which would make part of the plan, it could never give any such weight in office, or in parliament, either to Catholics or Dissenters, as could give them any new means (if they were so disposed) of attacking the establishment;-that the grounds on which the laws of exclusion now remaining were founded, have long been narrowed, and are since the Union removed;

that those principles formerly held by the Catholics, which made them be considered as politically dangerous, have been for a course of time gradually declining, and, among the higher orders particularly, they have ceased to prevail;

that the obnoxious tenets are disclaimed in the most positive manner by the oaths which have been required in Great Britain, and still more by one of those required in Ireland, as the condition of the indulgences already granted, and which might equally be made the condition of any new

ones;-that if such an oath, containing, among other provisions, a denial of the power of absolution from its obligations, is not a security from Catholics, the sacramental test is not more so ;-that the political circumstances under which the exclusive laws originated, arising either from the conflicting power of hostile and nearly balanced sects, from the apprehension of a Popish queen or successor, a disputed succession and a foreign pretender, and a division in Europe between Catholic and Protestant powers, are no longer applicable to the present state of things; that with respect to those of the Dissenters, who, it is feared, entertain principles dangerous to the constitution, a distinct political test, pointed against the doctrine of modern Jacobinism, would be a much more just and more effectual security than that which now exists, which may operate to the exclusion of conscientious persons well affected to the state, and is no guard against those of an opposite description;

that with respect to the Catholics of Ireland, another most important additional security, and one of which the effect would continually increase, might be provided, by gradually attaching the Popish clergy to the government, and, for this purpose, making them dependent for a part of their provision (under proper regulations) on the state, and by also subjecting them to superintendence and control;-that, besides these provisions, the general interests of the Established Church, and the security of the constitution and government, might be effectually strengthened by requiring the political test before referred to, from the preachers of

all Catholic or Dissenting congre gations, and from the teachers of schools of every denomination.

It is on these principles Mr. Pitt humbly conceives a new se curity might be obtained for the civil and ecclesiastical constitution of this country, more applicable to the present circumstances, more free from objection, and more effectual in itself than any which now exists, and which would, at the same time, admit of extending such indulgences as must conciliate the higher orders of the Catholics, and by furnishing to a large class of your Majesty's Irish subjects a proof of the good-will of the united parliament, afford the best chance of giving full effect to the great object of the union-that of tranquillizing Ireland, and attaching it to this country.

It is with inexpressible regret, after all he now knows of your Majesty's sentiments, that Mr. Pitt troubles your Majesty, thus at large, with the general grounds of his opinion, and finds himself obliged to add, that this opinion is unalterably fixed in his mind. It must, therefore, ultimately guide his political conduct, if it should be your Majesty's pleasure that, after thus presuming to open himself fully to your Majesty, he should remain in that responsible situation in which your Majesty has so long condescended graciously and favourably to accept his services. It will afford him, indeed, a great relief and satisfaction, if he may be allowed to hope, that your Majesty will deign maturely to weigh what he has now humbly submitted, and to call for any explanation which any parts of it may appear to require.

In the interval which your Majesty may wish for consideration,

he will not, on his part, importune your Majesty with any unneces sary reference to the subject; and will feel it his duty to abstain, himself, from all agitation of this subject in parliament, and to prevent it, as far as depends on him, on the part of others. If, on the result of such consideration, your Majesty's objections to the measures proposed should not be removed, or sufficiently diminished to admit of its being brought forward with your Majesty's full concurrence, and with the whole weight of government, it must be personally Mr. Pitt's first wish to be released from a situation which he is conscious that under such circumstances he could not continue to fill but with the greatest disadvantage.

At the same time, after the gracious intimation which has been recently conveyed to him of your Majesty's sentiments on this point, he will be acquitted of presump tion in adding, that if the chief difficulties of the present crisis should not then be surmounted, or very materially diminished, and if your Majesty should continue to think that his humble exertions could, in any degree, contribute to conducting them to a favourable issue, there is no personal difficulty to which he will not rather submit than withdraw himself at such a moment from your Majesty's service. He would even, in such a case, continue for such a short further interval as might be necessary to oppose the agitation or discussion of the question, as far as he can consistently with the line to which he feels bound uniformly to adhere, of reserving to himself a full latitude on the prin ciple itself, and objecting only to the time and to the temper and

circumstances of the moment. But he must entreat that, on this supposition, it may be distinctly understood, that he can remain in office no longer than till the issue (which he trusts on every account will be a speedy one) of the crisis now depending shall admit of your Majesty's more easily forming a new arrangement; and that he will then receive your Majesty's permission to carry with him into a private situation that affectionate and grateful attachment which your Majesty's goodness for a long course of years has impressed on his mind and that unabated zeal for the ease and honour of your Majesty's government, and for the public service which he trusts will always govern his conduct.

He has only to entreat your Majesty's pardon for troubling you on one other point, and taking the liberty of most respectfully, but explicitly, submitting to your Majesty the indispensable necessity of effectually discountenancing, in the whole of the interval, all attempts to make use of your Majesty's name, or to influence the opinion of any individual, or descriptions of men, on any part of this subject.

B. The KING's Answer to A,

Queen's House, Feb. 1, 1801. I should not do justice to the warm impulse of my heart, if I entered on the subject most unpleasant to my mind, without first expressing, that the cordial affection I have for Mr. Pitt, as well as high opinion of his talents and integrity, greatly add to my uneasiness on this occasion; but a sense of religious, as well as political duty, has made me, from the moment I mounted the throne, consider the oath that the wisdom

of our forefathers has enjoined the kings of this realm to take at their Coronation, and enforced by the obligation of instantly following it in the course of the ceremony with taking the sacrament, as so binding a religious obligation on me to maintain the fundamental maxims on which our constitution is placed, namely the Church of England, being the established one, and that those who hold employments in the state must be members of it, and consequently obliged not only to take onths against Popery, but to receive the holy communion agreeably to the rites of the Church of England.

This principle of duty must, therefore, prevent me from discussing any proposition tending to destroy this groundwork of our happy constitution, and much more so that now mentioned by Mr. Pitt, which is no less than the complete overthrow of the whole fabric.

When the Irish propositions were transmitted to me by a joint message from both Houses of the British Parliament, I told the lords and gentlemen sent on that occasion, that I would with pleasure and without delay forward them to Ireland; but that, as individuals, I could not help acquainting them, that my inclination to an union with Ireland was principally founded on a trust, that the uniting the Established Churches of the two kingdoms would for ever shut the door to any further measures with respect to the Roman Catholics.

These two instances must shew Mr. Pitt, that my opinions are not those formed on the moment, but such as I have imbibed for forty years, and from which I never can depart; but, Mr. Pitt once, aç

quainted with my sentiments, his assuring me that he will stave off the only question whereon I fear from his letter we can never agree, -for the advantage and comfort of continuing to have his advice and exertions in public affairs, I will certainly abstain from talking on this subject, which is the one nearest my heart. I cannot help if others pretend to guess at my opinions, which I have never disguised; but if those who unfortunately differ with me will keep this subject at rest, I will, on my part, most correctly on my part, be silent also; but this restraint I shall put on myself from affection for Mr. Pitt, but further I cannot go, for I cannot sacrifice my duty to any consideration.

Though I do not pretend to have the power of changing Mr. Pitt's opinion, when thus unfortunately fixed, yet I shall hope his sense of duty will prevent his retiring from his present situation to the end of my life, for I can with great truth assert, that I shall, from public and private considerations, feel great regret, if I shall ever find myself obliged, at any time, from a sense of religious and political duty, to yield to his entreaties of retiring from his seat at the Board of Treasury.

ty. It is, therefore, with additional pain he feels himself bound to state, that the final decision which your Majesty has formed on the great subject in question (the motives to which he respects and honours), and his own unalterable sense of the line which public duty requires from him, must make him consider the moment as now arrived, when, on the principles which he has already explained, it must be his first wish to be released as soon as possible from his present situation. He certainly retains the same anxious desire, in the time and mode of quitting it, to consult as much as possible your Majesty's ease and convenience, and to avoid embarrassment. But he must frankly confess to your Majesty, that the difficulty even of his temporary continuance must necessarily be increased, and may very shortly become insuperable, from what he conceives to be the import of one passage in your Ma jesty's note, which hardly leaves him room to hope that your Majes ty thinks those steps can be taken for effectually discountenancing all attempts to make use of your Majesty's name, or to influence opinions on this subject, which he has ventured to represent as indis pensably necessary during any interval in which he might remain in office. He has, however, the less anxiety in laying this senti ment before your Majesty, because, independent of it, he is more and more convinced, that your Majes ty's final decision being once taken, the sooner he is allowed to act upon it, the better it will be for your Majesty's service. He trusts and sincerely believes, that your Majesty cannot find any long de lay necessary for forming an ar rangement for conducting your

your Majesty will believe, that a sincere anxiety for the future ease and strength of your government is one strong motive for his presuming thus to press this consideration.

D.-The KING'S Answer to C.

Queen's House, Feb. 5, 1801. The box from Mr. Pitt contained two letters, and a warrant in favour of Mr. Long. I cannot have the smallest difficulty in. signing the proposed warrant, as I think him a very valuable man, and know how much Mr. Pitt esteems him

I had flattered myself that, on the strong assurance I gave Mr. Pitt, of keeping perfectly silent on the subject whereon we entirely differ, provided on his part he kept off from any disquisition on it for the present, which was the main object of the letter I wrote to him on Sunday, we both understood our present line of conduct: but as I unfortunately find Mr. Pitt does not draw the same conclusion, I must come to the unpleasant decision, as it will deprive me of his

political service, of acquainting him, that, rather than forego what I look on as my duty, I will, without unnecessary delay, attempt to make the most creditable arrangement, and such as Mr. Pitt will think most to the advantage of my service, as well as to the security of the public; but he must not be surprised, if I cannot fix how soon that can possibly be done, though he may rest assured that it shall be done with as much expedition as so difficult a subject will admit G. R.

pa di tu Sir990 sit shire. George, fourth son of Richard Canning of Foxcote, emi