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political opinions, and sentiments of the reigning family. By some he was cenfured as an apoftate, and by others ridiculed for becoming a penfioner. The "North Briton" supplied himself with arguments against the Minister for rewarding a Tory and a Jacobite, and Churchill faterized his political versatility with the most poignant feverity.

How to all principles untrue,
Not fix'd to old friends, nor to new;
He damns the pension which he takes,
And loves the Stuart he forsakes.

By this acceptance of the King's bounty, he had undoubtedly subjected himself to the appellation of a penfioner, to which he had annexed an ignominious definition in his Dictionary. He had received a favour from two Scotchmen, against whose country he had joined in the rabble cry of indiscriminating invective. It was thus that even-handed Justice commended the poisoned chalice to his own lips, and compelled him to an awkward, though not unpleasant penance, for indulging in a splenetic prejudice, equally unworthy of his understanding and his heart.

The affair itself was equally honourable to the giver and the receiver. The offer was clogged with no ftipulations for party services, and accepted under no implied idea of being recompensed by political writings. It was perfectly understood by all parties, that the penfion was merely honorary. It is true that Johnson did afterwards write political pamphlets in favour of administration; but it was at a period long subsequent to the grant of his penfion, and in fupport of a minister to whom he owed no personal obligation. It was for the establishment of opinions, which, however unconstitutional, he had uniformly held, and publicly avowed.

In 1763, he furnished to "The Poetical Calendar," published by Fawkes and Woty, a Character of Collins, which he afterwards engrafted into his entire Life of Collins. He alfo favoured Mr. Hoole with the Dedication of his tranflation of Tasso to the Queen.

This year Mr. Bofwell was introduced to Johnfon, by Mr. Davies the bookseller, and continued to live in the greatest intimacy with him from that time till his death.

Churchill, in his "Ghost," availed himself of the common opinion of Johnson's credulity, and drew a caricature of him, under the name of Pompofo; representing him as one of the believers of the story of a ghoft in Cock-Lane, which, in 1762, had gained very general credit in London. Johnfon made no reply; for with other wife folks he fat up with the ghost." Posterity must be allowed to fmile at the cre

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dulity of that period. Contrary, however, to the common opinion of Johnson's credulity, Mr. Bofwell asserts that he was a principal agent in detecting the imposture; and undeceived the world, by publishing an account of it in the "Gentleman's Magazine" for January 1762. Yet, by the circumstances of the examination, he seems to have gone with almost a willingness to believe, and a mind scarcely in suspense, He would have been glad to fee a traveller from that undiscovered country, over which, like the rest of mankind, he saw nothing but clouds and darkness.

In one of the conversations at the Mitre Tavern this year, Mr. Bofwell relates the following instance of Johnson's profound and liberal way of thinking, on a very nice constitutional point, which may, in fome measure, render people cautious of pronouncing decisively on his political creed,

" Goldsmith difputed very warmly with Johnson, against the well known maxim of the British constitution, "The king can do no wrong," affirming, that what was morally false, could not be politically true; and as the king might, in the exercise of his regal power, command, and cause the doing of what was wrong, it certainly might be said, in sense and in reason, that he could do wrong." Johnfon. "Sir, you are to confider, that in our constitution, according to its true principles, the king is the head, he is supreme, he is above every thing, and there is no power by which he can be tried. Therefore it is, Sir, that we hold the king can do no wrong; that whatever may happen to be wrong in government may not be above our reach, by being ascribed to majesty. Redress is always to be had against oppreffion, by punishing the immediate agents. The king, though he should command, cannot force

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