bound to afford active assistance to her ally the sultan against unprovoked aggression. "Her majesty has given directions for laying before the House of Commons copies of such papers, in addition to those already communicated to parliament, as will afford the fullest information with regard to the subject of these negotiations. It is a consolation to her majesty to reflect that no endeavours have been wanting on her part to preserve to her subjects the blessings of peace. "Her majesty's just expectations have been disappointed, and her majesty relies with confidence on the zeal and devotion of her faithful commons, and on the exertions of her brave and loyal subjects, to support her in her determination to employ the power and resources of the nation for protecting the dominions of the sultan against the encroachments of Russia." The consideration of the queen's message was deferred until the 31st; but the next day (the 28th of March) the following declaration of war, on the part of England, was contained in the supplement of the London Gazette. According to the modern customs of nations, no declaration of war is sent to the enemy; but the announcement of the sovereign's determination to his or her parliament and subjects, and to the world, is regarded as a sufficient publication of the fact to all whom it may concern: (Declaration.) "It is with deep regret that her majesty announces the failure of her anxious and protracted endeavours to preserve for her people and for Europe the blessings of peace. The unprovoked aggression of the Emperor of Russia against the Sublime Porte has been persisted in with such disregard of consequences, that after the rejection by the Emperor of Russia of terms which the Emperor of Austria, the Emperor of the French, and the King of Prussia, as well as her majesty, considered just and equitable, her majesty is compelled by a sense of what is due to the honour of her crown, to the interests of her people, and to the independence of the states of Europe, to come forward in defence of an ally whose territory is invaded, and whose dignity and independence are assailed. "Her majesty, in justification of the course she is about to pursue, refers to the transactions in which her majesty has been engaged. The Emperor of Russia had some cause of complaint against the sultan with reference to the settlement, which his highness had sanctioned, of the conflicting claims of the Greek and Latin churches to a portion of the holy places of Jerusalem and its neighbourhood. To the complaint of the Emperor of Russia on this head justice was done, and her majesty's ambassador at Constantinople had the satisfaction of promoting an arrangement to which no exception was taken by the Russian government. assured the government of her majesty that the But, while the Russian government repeatedly mission of Prince Mentschikoff to Constantinople was exclusively directed to the settlement of the question of the holy places at Jerusalem, Prince Mentschikoff himself pressed upon the Porte other demands of a far more serious and important character, the nature of which he in the first instance endeavoured, as far as possible, to conceal from her majesty's ambassador. And these demands, thus studiously concealed, affected, not the privileges of the Greek church at Turkish subjects in their relations to their soveJerusalem, but the position of many millions of reign the sultan. These demands were rejected by the spontaneous decision of the Sublime Porte. "Two assurances had been given to her majesty-one, that the mission of Prince Mentschikoff only regarded the holy places; the other, that his mission would be of a conciliatory character. In both respects her majesty's just expectations were disappointed. Demands were made which, in the opinion of the sultan, exRussia's authority for his own over a large portended to the substitution of the Emperor of tion of his subjects, and those demands were enforced by a threat; and when her majesty learnt that, on announcing the termination of his mission, Prince Mentschikoff declared that the refusal of his demands would impose upon the imperial government the necessity of seeking a guarantee by its own power, her majesty thought proper that her fleet should leave Malta, and, in co-operation with that of his majesty the Emperor of the French, take up its station in the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. So long as the negotiation bore an amicable character her majesty refrained from any demonstration of force. But when, in addition to the assemblage of large military forces on the frontier of Turkey, the ambassador of Russia intimated that serious consequences would ensue from the refusal of the sultan to comply with unwarrantable demands, her majesty deemed it right, in conjunction with the Emperor of the French, to give an unquestionable proof of her determination to support the sovereign rights of the sultan. "The Russian government has maintained that the determination of the emperor to occupy the principalities was taken in consequence of the advance of the fleets of England and France. But the menace of invasion of the Turkish territory was conveyed in Count Nesselrode's note to Redschid Pasha of the 19th (31st) of May, and re-stated in his despatch to Baron Brunow of the 20th of May (1st of June), which an-vious that the Emperor of Russia has entered nounced the determination of the Emperor of upon a course of policy which, if unchecked, Russia to order his troops to occupy the princi- must lead to the destruction of the Ottoman palities, if the Porte did not within a week com- empire. In this conjuncture her majesty feels ply with the demands of Russia. The despatch called upon, by regard for an ally, the integrity to her majesty's ambassador at Constantinople, and independence of whose empire have been authorising him in certain specified contingen- recognised as essential to the peace of Europe, cies to send for the British fleet, was dated the by the sympathies of her people with right 31st of May, and the order sent direct from against wrong, by a desire to avert from her England to her majesty's admiral to proceed to dominions most injurious consequences, and to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles was dated save Europe from the preponderance of a power the 2nd of June. The determination to occupy which has violated the faith of treaties and defies the principalities was therefore taken before the the opinion of the civilised world, to take up orders for the advance of the combined squadrons arms, in conjunction with the Emperor of the were given. The sultan's minister was informed French, for the defence of the sultan. Her that unless he signed within a week, and with- majesty is persuaded that in so acting she will out the change of a word, the note proposed to have the cordial support of her people; and that the Porte by Prince Mentschikoff on the eve of the pretext of zeal for the Christian religion his departure from Constantinople, the princi-will be used in vain to cover an aggression unpalities of Moldavia and Wallachia would be dertaken in disregard of its holy precepts, and occupied by Russian troops. The sultan could of its pure and beneficent spirit. Her majesty not accede to so insulting a demand; but, when humbly trusts that her efforts may be successful, the actual occupation of the principalities took and that, by the blessing of Providence, peace place, the sultan did not, as he might have done may be re-established on safe and solid foundain the exercise of his undoubted right, declare tions. war, but addressed a protest to his allies. Her majesty, in conjunction with the sovereigns of Austria, France, and Prussia, has made various attempts to meet any just demands of the Emperor of Russia without affecting the dignity and independence of the sultan; and, had it been the sole object of Russia to obtain security for the enjoyment by the Christian subjects of the Porte of their privileges and immunities, she would have found it in the offers that have been made by the sultan. But, as that security was not offered in the shape of a special and separate stipulation with Russia, it was rejected. Twice has this offer been made by the sultan, and recommended by the four powers; once by a note originally prepared at Vienna, and subsequently modified by the Porte; once by the proposal of bases of negotiation agreed upon at Constantinople on the 31st of December, and approved at Vienna on the 13th of January, as offering to the two parties the means of arriving at an understanding in a becoming and honourable manner. It is thus manifest that a right for Russia to interfere in the ordinary relations of Turkish subjects to their sovereign, and not the happiness of Christian communities in Turkey, was the object songht for by the Russian government; to such a demand the sultan would not submit, and his highness, in self-defence, declared war upon Russia, but her majesty, nevertheless, in conjunction with her allies, has not ceased her endeavours to restore peace between the contending parties. The time has, however, now arrived when, the advice and remonstrances of the four powers having proved wholly ineffectual, and the military preparations of Russia becoming daily more extended, it is but too ob "Westminster, March 28th, 1854." (Declaration.) "Her majesty the queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, having been compelled to take up arms in support of an ally, is desirous of rendering the war as little onerous as possible to the powers with whom she remains at peace. To preserve the commerce of neutrals from all unnecessary obstruction, her majesty is willing, for the present, to waive a part of the belligerent rights appertaining to her by the law of nations. It is impossible for her majesty to forego the exercise of her right of seizing articles contraband of war, and of preventing neutrals from bearing the enemy's despatches, and she must maintain the right of a belligerent to prevent neutrals from breaking any effective blockade which may be established with an adequate force against the enemy's forts, harbours, or coasts. But her majesty will waive the right of seizing enemy's property laden on board a neutral vessel, unless it be contraband of war. It is not her majesty's intention to claim the confiscation of neutral property, not being contraband of war, found on board enemy's ships, and her majesty further declares that, being anxious to lessen, as much as possible, the evils of war, and to restrict its operations to the regularly organised forces of the country, it is not her present intention to issue letters of marque for the commissioning of privateers. "Westminster, March 28th, 1854.” of mercy and forbearance. A deputation of Russian merchants, resident in England, were also informed by the government that they would have liberty to remain unmolested in this country during the war, so long as they rendered obedience to the laws. A similar permission has been extended to Russians resident in France. On Friday, the 31st of March, Lord John Russell, after a long speech, containing a glance at the circumstances that rendered the coming war necessary, moved that the following address should be presented to her majesty, in answer to her message of the 27th of March : - "Most Gracious Sovereign,-We, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave to return to your majesty our humble thanks for your majesty's most gracious message, and for the communication of the several papers which have been laid before us in obedience to your majesty's command. We assure your majesty of the just sense we entertain of your majesty's anxious and uniform endeavours to preserve to your people the blessings of peace, and of our perfect confidence in your majesty's disposition to terminate the calamities of war, whenever that object can be accomplished, consistently with the honour of your majesty's crown and the interests of your people. We have observed with deep concern that your majesty's endeavours have been frustrated by the spirit of aggression displayed by the Emperor of Russia in his invasion and continued occupation of the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia; in the rejection of equitable terms of peace proposed under the sanction of four of the principal powers of Europe; and in the preparation of immense forces to support his unjust pretensions. These pretensions appear to us, your faithful commons, subversive of the independence of the Turkish empire; and we feel that the trust reposed in us demands, on our part, a firm determination to co-operate with your majesty in a vigorous resistance to the projects of a sovereign whose further aggrandisement would be dangerous to the independence of Europe." After a warm and spirited debate, the address was agreed to. Mr. Bright, in a speech opposing the war, congratulated the landed proprietors in that house, that in consequence of the increased income-tax, every man of them had a Turk upon his back. He also described the balance of power as a hackneyed term-a phrase to which it was difficult to attach any definite meaning. He desired an explanation of it; which was thus given by the veteran and accomplished statesman, Lord Palmerston:-"Why, sir, call it the balance of power, or what you will, the idea is one familiar to the mind of man, and which has influenced the conduct of all mankind from the earliest ages. The balance of power means, that a number of weaker states combine together to prevent one strong one from acquiring a power which shall be dangerous to their liberties, their independence, and their freedom of action. It is the doctrine of self-preservation; it is the doctrine of self-defence, with this simple qualificationthat it is combined with sagacity and foresight-that you endeavour to prevent an imminent danger before it comes thundering at your gates. I know that the honourable member is so attached to his principles, that he thinks peace is of all things the best, and war of all things the worst. I happen to be of opinion that there are things for which peace may be advantageously sacrificed, and that there are calamities which nations may endure still worse than war." The House of Lords was not behindhand in responding to the queen's message to parliament. The same evening that the subject was discussed in the commons, it was brought forward by the Earl of Clarendon in the upper house. He moved an address, identical in spirit and similar in terms, to that voted by the commons; and it was agreed to nemine contradicente. On Monday, April the 3rd, the house met soon after two o'clock, and a deputation of peers, in full dress, went in procession to the palace, and presented their address to her majesty. In the course of the day, the queen returned them the following reply: My lords,-I thank you for your loyal and dutiful address. It is highly gratifying to me to receive the assurances of your cooperation in giving effect to the measures which I consider necessary for the honour of my crown and the welfare of my people." Her majesty having intimated that she would receive the address of the House of Commons at three o'clock, the members waited upon her with it at that hour. She returned a similar answer to the one she had sent to the lords. The city was not |