Montenegro of Chatzé Michales, one of the best of the Cretan military leaders.

Very great indignation was produced, however, among the Greek population of Candia by the refusal by the Porte of all the important demands of their representatives. The petition had been presented in May, at a critical moment for Turkey, and an adverse answer would probably have been attended with the temporary loss of the island. The Turkish Government promised to take the matters referred to into consideration, and pacified the people by assenting, through the Governor of the island, to most of their demands. Since that time the arms of Turkey prospered in Servia, the land forces of the island had been increased, a powerful fleet, under Hobart Pasha, was stationed off its coast, and everything being thus prepared, Cadree Bey, the Prefect of Constantinople, was sent to communicate personally the refusal of the Government to all the essential points of the petition. In the proclamation which the Governor-General in consequence issued, he pointed out that some of the demands related to matters which came within the functions of the Cretan Assembly and others to the modification and completion of the Constitution of 1866; and that as by that Constitution all the inhabitants of the island, Mussulmans and Christians, were placed upon an equality, the Government could not consider any prayer presented by one section only of its faithful subjects.

Now it was well known that the rights of the Mussulmans and Christians were equal in kind only, and not in extent, so that although they have an overwhelming majority in the island, the Christians are practically powerless in the Assembly and the Courts of Law. It was to remedy this, by obtaining the fulfilment of the spirit of their Constitution, that the Christian assessors withdrew and framed their petition. The, authorities were unable to persuade the judges to resume their seats, and accordingly the administration of justice was suspended. The strict neutrality which was observed by Greece, throughout the progress of the TurkoServian struggle was not only owing to the strict injunctions they continually received from the Powers. With an insignificant army of some 12,000 men, and a navy of two ironclads, they exercised the highest prudence in not incurring the contingencies of war. This small force was hardly even military in anything but the uniform of its members.

The resources of the country in case of a war were small, but the least hopeful sign of the times was the hopelessly corrupt condition of the administration. The parties are not divided according to Liberal, Conservative, or other principles as in other countries, but according to the men who lead them. Thus, there is the Coumoundouros party, the Deligeorgis party, the Bulgaris party, and so on. The triumph of a Greek party is not that of some principle which it represents, but of its leader, who becomes Prime Minister, turns out all the public functionaries from the

can.

highest to the lowest except the judges, and puts his supporters in their places. As changes of Ministry occur very often, the official does his best to occupy his short tenure of office as profitably as he Official corruption in Greece has thus grown into a system; the Customs officials credit the Government with only a portion of the dues levied by them on merchandise, the balance being divided between them and the traders; the police allow criminals whom they have captured to escape on payment of a ransom, and even jurymen have often accepted bribes for a verdict of acquittal. The consequence of the growing corruption, and of the neglect of the Government to take any measures for increasing the national prosperity, is that the financial condition of the country is anything but favourable.

These

One of the financial measures of reform introduced this year by the Government was the establishment of an Agricultural Bank. This had been long demanded by the country, and was probably of more practical importance than the bills on ministerial responsibility, universal conscription, and electoral reforms, which were brought in at the same time. As, however, one of its chief features was a partial secularization of the property of monastic institutions, it met with some opposition. According to official returns laid before the Chamber, there were in Greece 1,759 monks and 168 nuns, living in 128 monasteries and seven nunneries. The yearly revenues of these establishments amounted to 1,285,507 drachmas derived from landed property and cattle, and 330,650 drachmas derived from property held on long leases. amounts did not include the offerings, legacies, &c., which made up a considerable additional sum. Of the above revenues 220,790 drachmas were spent on agricultural labour, and 63,851 drachmas on the maintenance of the churches, &c., leaving a yearly balance of 1,334,526 drachmas for the support of the inmates and other purposes. It was now proposed, while retaining the monasteries and their enclosures, to dispose of their landed property at once, and to form an "ecclesiastical chest," under a special commission, who will in future pay monthly stipends of 20 drachmas to each monk (with 5 drachmas in addition to those of more than fifteen years' standing), 40 drachmas to each superior, and 60 drachmas to each abbot. The number and qualifications of future candidates to be strictly regulated by law. Any surplus remaining after the payment of the above stipends would be devoted to the maintenance of seminaries and to the endowment of the lower clergy, who now solely depend on the fees paid by their parishioners. Of the proceeds of the sale of the monastic property, 5,000,000 drachmas was to be invested, on account of the ecclesiastical chest, in shares of the new Agricultural Bank, the capital of which was fixed at 12,000,000 drachmas. The other measures mentioned above were of more doubtful utility. One of these, which was passed without opposition, authorized the calling out of certain classes of citizens, which statistics show number 200,000

men, yet the Chamber and the country were well aware of the impossibility of supporting such a force even for a few days; and it was certain that if any additional soldiers are raised the new levies would not number more than 25,000. Another Bill provided for the creation of a military fund by the appropriation of 3,250,000f. - per annum from the stamp taxes, to be expended entirely in the purchase of warlike stores, and sanctions the raising of a loan of 50,000,000f. on this fund. The third Bill authorized the raising of a loan of the insignificant sum of 10,000,000f., internal in character, but the interest, insured on the dues and customs of Zante, to be paid in gold in all the capitals in Europe. The loan will be issued at 81, paying 6 per cent. on the nominal capital, with per cent. sinking fund, and the amount realized, about 8,000,000f., will be devoted to the purchase of arms, explosive vessels, and torpedoes, and to the augmentation of the crews of the men of war. The express mention of torpedoes showed that the framers of the Bill were sensible of the weak point of their position, but they can scarcely rely on such very fortuitous defences. In this Bill as originally presented to the Chamber it was proposed to meet the deficit caused by the appropriation of the Customs of Zante by an octroi duty, and on this point the Coumoundouros Ministry fell, defeated by a majority of one, two members not voting. Deligeorgis then formed a Ministry, but was defeated, and retired before even declaring a policy. The King then again invited Coumoundouros to take the Premiership. If the Bill for establishing a military fund ever becomes law, the annual amount will probably be either laid by for an emergency or expended as it comes on the army and navy, for it is very unlikely that the Greeks, except in the last extreme, will devote the revenue of the country to the payment of interest on a loan of 50,000,000f. consumed in a few months. In any case the annual deficit will be increased.

CHAPTER V.

EGYPT.-The war in Abyssinia-defeat of the Egyptian army-the new Judicial system-M. Haakman's protest--Elections to the Court of Appeal-Financial reforms: the mission of Messrs. Goschen and Joubert-Fall of Sadyk Pasha— The Suez Canal shares-Egypt and Zanzibar-The Transvaal Republic.

PERSIA.-Military reforms-The Shah.

CHINA. The Yunnan Mission-Opening of the Woosung railway-The Chefoo Convention.

JAPAN. The International Exhibition at Kioto-The insurrection in KinshinEffects of the financial reforms-State of the silk trade.

UNITED STATES.-Opening of the Centennial year-The Amnesty Bill-President Grant's Message on Cuba-The extradition difficulty-Chinese immigrants in California-The Sioux war-Disturbances in the South-Administrative corruption the Badcock and Belknap trials-Reduction of official salaries-The Centennial Exhibition--Death of Mr. Stewart -The Presidential Election-The disputed Southern votes-The President's Message-Financial condition of the United States.

CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AMERICA.-The Revolution in Mexico-Defeat of President Lerdo-Events in the South American Republics.

EGYPT.

AFFAIRS in the East of interest to the general reader were almost confined to the European provinces of Turkey. In Egypt there were few events to be compared in importance to the struggle on the frontier of Servia, and the subsequent negotiations of Constantinople. But to students of politics, the affairs connected with the Abyssinian campaign, the Suez Canal, the reform of the Egyptian judicial system, and above all, the mission of Mr. Goschen, afford much interest and instruction, and demand a further detail than the earlier references in this volume permitted.

Towards the close of the year 1875, at the time when the Egyptian Government had become suddenly popular through the hopes founded on the purchase of the Suez Canal shares, a painful misgiving was created by the news of venturesome Expeditions to distant lands. The annexation of Central Africa, the conquest of the continent as far as the Equator, was no new idea, but it presented itself to the minds of most people as a fanciful enterprise, such as an Oriental Sovereign inspired by European schemers might undertake, but on account neither of cost nor of danger worthy of serious notice. There had been two Expeditions to the fountains of the everlasting Nile, and in both men and money had been lost, with only the gain of a grandiloquent Report, and an excuse for new pretensions. On a sudden the public became aware that the Egyptian Government had committed itself to something more serious than the despatch of a column against the feeble blacks of the Upper Nile, and that the State just rescued from imminent financial danger had entered on a war with a Power not essentially inferior to itself.

The persons who felt most deeply were, no doubt, the creditors

of the Khedive, but the first to manifest their opinions were some delegates of the religious and philanthropic world. A deputation of the Anti-Slavery Society waited on the Minister to complain that the Ruler of Egypt cherished an insatiable ambition. His emissaries had carried on a relentless war against the unoffending tribes of the interior. They had attained a very incomplete success, yet the catalogue of their barbarities, as related by themselves, could hardly be excused even if they had brought millions within the pale of civilization. On the Eastern Coast of Africa the Khedive was usurping the rights which belonged to independent Princes or Chieftains. The obscure rulers of wild tribes on the seaboard could make no protest, and it was always possible for the Khedive to assert some claim which no one could disprove, or to allege some aggression on the part of people so simple and barbarous. But here, also, a voice was raised which commanded attention. The Seyyid of Zanzibar, in published protests, addressed indirectly to the British people, declared that he was one of the victims of the Khedive's ambition. The Egyptian Government denied that there was ground for the Seyyid's remonstrances, but took care to recall the vessels which were supposed to threaten the independent shores of the Indian Ocean. But the most important subject that could be brought to the notice of an English Minister was undoubtedly the Expedition to Abyssinia. Both on political and on humanitarian grounds the enterprise was objectionable in the extreme.

It was possibly a benefit to Egypt that her army experienced a severe reverse at the outset. The Expedition commanded by Arendroop Bey was totally defeated by the untutored courage of the enemy. The commander and his column were cut to pieces, and the commander himself perished in the battle. The Khedive had consequently to reconcile political and financial prudence with the natural instincts of a ruler. It was announced that an Expedition on a large scale would set forth immediately, not, however, with any design of conquest, but merely to avenge the slaughter of Arendroop's column and to restore the reputation of the Egyptian Army. A great force was accordingly assembled at Suez, transported to Massowah, and quickly sent up against the enemy, who were supposed to meditate the invasion of the Egyptian Province. This second army was more numerous than the former, and the force which first took the field against the Abyssinians was estimated by competent authorities at 16,000 men. It was placed under the command of Prince Hassan, with Ratib Pasha as chief of the staff, including Loring Pasha, an American officer, and several others of the same nationality. This expedition left Massowah on January 10, and towards the end of the same month reached Goura, between Massowah and Adoua, without having encountered the slightest obstacle. An entrenched camp was then established to let the soldiers rest without exposing them to surprise; for it was known that King John, at the head of the armed