Parnell jumped up and declared that nothing would convince him that a murder had been committed on that occasion.

Sir Michael concluded by declaring his conviction that the seventy-six years of the Union had brought with them a great advance in prosperity, and some day those who supported this motion would be glad that the Government had rejected a motion to reduce Ireland to the rank of a province from that of a component and governing part of the freest Empire in the world.

Mr. Butt's resolution was negatived by 291 to 61 votes.

The question of Temperance in Ireland occupied the attention of the House of Commons on three occasions, one of the debates resulting in an unexpected defeat of the Government. This was the resolution moved by Mr. R. Smyth, proposing to stop the sale of intoxicating liquors on Sunday in Ireland. He quoted an array of statistics showing the increase of drunkenness in that country, and that total closing was universally desired. This desire was practically admitted throughout the debate, except on behalf of the sellers of drink, and the discussion mainly turned on the consequences, including possible inconvenience, to bonâ fide travellers. Sir M. Hicks Beach, speaking on behalf of the Government, doubted the soundness of dealing with the question on Home Rule principles, even if the alleged unanimity of feeling prevailed in Ireland. He thought that if the measure was worthy of adoption, it should be applied to England also. But he believed that such a law would be evaded, would lead to an increase of private drinking, and would interfere with the moderate enjoyments of the many, for the sake of curbing the excess of a few. Nevertheless if Mr. Smyth would withdraw his motion, he (Sir M. H. Beach) was prepared to recommend the further restriction of the hours of opening on Sundays to two to five in the country, and two to seven in towns. The debate was continued mainly by the Irish members, Mr. Callan and Mr. Murphy alone declaring opposition, while Mr. Sullivan made an eloquent appeal to English members not to slay a reform which Irish votes alone would secure for Ireland. But a still more efficient auxiliary now appeared in the person of Mr. Bright, who in a short speech expressed his warm adhesion to the resolution. He thought that the unanimity in all classes was unparalleled; and that the proposed compromise was a mere nibbling at a great evil, and a falling back from the offer of last year. "Those who resisted the bill were the publicans of England, and the Government must choose whether they would serve the conspiracy of the vendors of drink, or obey the unanimous vote of the Irish people."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out that the compromise proposed by Government was in no way hostile to the spirit of the resolution, but would serve as a gradual approach to the same end, and he reminded the House that three years ago Lord Hartington had opposed a similar bill on the ground of class legislation. Mr. Gladstone explained that Lord Hartington on

that occasion had not maintained that England and Ireland must be treated on the same principles. He earnestly pressed the House not to neglect the unanimous desire of the Irish people.

Major O'Gorman opposed the resolution in a characteristic speech, which provoked much laughter. He ridiculed the idea that drunkenness could be cured by shutting up public-houses for a few hours on Sundays, and asserted the right of every man to drink "as much as he could carry away." The proposal was the work of a few "Praise God Barebones" Irishmen, and he implored the English members to throw it out, for if it was carried there would be a revolution in Ireland to morrow-or at least there ought to be.

On a division, the resolution was carried by a majority of 57 -224 to 167. The announcement of the numbers was hailed with enthusiastic and prolonged cheers from the Opposition Benches.

same.

The Times, on the morrow, read the usual lesson (after the event) to the Government upon its unwisdom in not foreseeing the "Such a division," it remarked, "in the present state of parties in the House, represents an overwhelming balance of conviction, and it is evident the Government have entirely miscalculated the force as well as the current of feeling on the subject. The result is, we believe, in every way a matter for congratulation; but in order to estimate its significance it is necessary to look beyond the specific merits of the particular proposal before the House. The defeat of the Government is due to their failure to look at the question from this wider point of view, and it is of the utmost consequence for the future that the true lesson should be drawn from so unexpected an occurrence."

The result of the debate on the abstract resolution naturally caused a bill to be introduced, founded upon it, and also entrusted to the hands of Mr. Smyth. Its second reading came, however, on the 12th of July, a dangerously late period of the session for such a stage in a private measure, especially as the day was a Wednesday, when, according to the rules of the House, moderate powers of "talking-out" a measure can ensure its failure.

However, the fates were propitious in this case, owing probably to the strong feeling in favour of the bill already expressed, and after a lively debate, in which only Mr. Roebuck made a serious. attack on the measure (since the utterances of Major O'Gorman and Dr. O'Leary were too amusing to be very seriously meant), and Mr. Gladstone repeated his former advocacy, the second reading passed without a division.

The next stage was not reached until the 2nd of August, when the opposition appeared to have increased, or at least the tactics of opposition were more successful. The bill was talked out at six o'clock, by the copious eloquence of Mr. Callan, specially qualified for this important duty, but there can be no doubt that, whether taken up by Government or not, a Sunday-Closing Bill

for Ireland will, next session, be one of the few measures the success of which may be confidently predicted.

Our account of the various bills and motions relative to Ireland may be supplemented by a brief enumeration of a few others of minor importance. On the 23rd of March, Dr. Ward moved the second reading of his Irish Fisheries Bill, which proposed the appointment of a Board of Commissioners, and an annual grant of £20,000 for the repair of piers and harbours, &c. The supporters of the measure mainly relied on Scotland already possessing some of the privileges desired, but the Chief Secretary, while making some promise of further assistance, found so much fault with the bill as a whole that he felt bound to move its rejection, and it was negatived by 215 votes to 131.

On the 4th of April, what one of the speakers called a "whisky war" between Scotch and Irish members, was originated by Mr. O'Sullivan, who called attention to the practice, which he alleged was sanctioned by the Government, of blending and thereby adulterating Irish whisky in bond with inferior Scotch spirit, and he moved for a Select Committee to inquire whether the practice is injurious to the public health, and whether the Government ought not to be empowered to detain all spirits in bond for the space of a twelvemonth. A debate rather amusing than productive of argument resulted in the rejection of the motion by 145 to 69.

The same night Sir J. M'Kenna drew attention to the operation of the Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act, attempting to prove that the present condition of Ireland does not justify the retention of the powers of that Act over so large a portion of the country as still remains subject to its provisions. After a conciliatory reply from the Irish Secretary, expressing the desire of the Government that the operation of the Act should be gradually restricted and withdrawn, but that recent agrarian crime demanded great caution in this course, the motion was disposed of by the "Previous Question."

On the 16th of May Mr. Butt obtained the first reading of an Irish University Bill, almost as elaborate in its machinery as the ill-fated measure which caused the first fall of Mr. Gladstone's Government in 1873. Considering the part which Irish members played in the history of that bill, it was, perhaps, not to be wondered at that all the members of the front Opposition bench were conspicuous for their absence. The Chief Secretary made no opposition to the first reading of the bill but could not be prevailed on to give a day for the next stage. Accordingly it remains a possible legacy for the session of 1877.

Finally, on May 25th, Mr. Mitchell Henry brought up the question of Irish taxation, maintaining that Ireland was unequally treated, and had to bear more than her fair share, in proportion to her wealth. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a remarkably lucid and exhaustive speech, proved that the figures of propor

tionate national income, alleged by Mr. Henry, were incorrect, since the Irish poor law valuation is at least 20 per cent. lower than in England.

The result of the attempts at legislation for Ireland, if we except the debates on the franchise and on the closing of publichouses, in which the Irish members held a strong case, and were supported by the ablest Liberal champions, was not satisfactory, and the result contributed mainly to swell the large number of wasted evenings which every session can boast. Whether this is to be attributed, according to Mr. Butt's view, to English injustice, or as some would decide, to the needless and worthless proposals of the Irish members, it is not our province to determine. All that we record is the waste of time and breath, leaving no further monument than some hundreds of unread pages in Hansard.

CHAPTER II.

The Estimates and the Budget-Debates on the "Exemption Clauses "-The Local Government Estimates-The Indian Budget-Debate on the depreciation of Silver-Mr. Holms' motion on Army Reform-The Army and Navy Estimates —— Ecclesiastical Questions: the New Bishoprics, and the Burials Question-Debate in the House of Lords on Lord Granville's Resolution-Questions of PrivilegeMr. Lowe's Speech at Retford-The Reform Club and its Members-The Judicature Bill.

THE Annual Estimates, forming a portly volume by themselves, enable the political student, before the introduction of the Budget, to form an idea of the development of national income and expenditure. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer has made his annual statement, the course of public business in ordinary matters is pretty well settled for the coming year, and neither the House of Commons nor individual members are prepared to challenge the knowledge and discretion of the department which asks for an increased grant, if the increase is within reasonable limits.

"Year after year," said the Times, "the great total creeps up, until we find that the Civil Service Estimates between March, 1873, and March, 1876, have increased at the rate of a million a year, and a quarter of a million more is estimated for the coming year. The creation of new Departments and the assumption of new functions on the part of Government are continually demanded by people who have never taken the trouble to look into a volume of Estimates, much less to trace their continual growth. In these returns we see the price we have to pay for the many excellent schemes recent times have adopted."

The increase in the Estimates for 1876-7 was, as in previous years, distributed chiefly over three classes, Education, Police,

and Public Departments. The addition for Primary Education alone in various parts of the kingdom was 251,890l. This sum consisted, for the most part, in England and Scotland, of grants for attendance of scholars, though 32,000l.-more than a third of the Scotch increase-goes to school buildings, and is something of a permanent outlay. The additional 11,000l. paid to the Irish Commissioners was entirely appropriated towards some little attempt to improve the position of the Irish teacher, according to the scheme of supplementing Local Rates adopted by Sir Michael Hicks Beach last year. In the class of Law and Police expenses the increase was 116,615l., of which 74,000l. arose from the relief of the local charge for the maintenance of the county and borough police in this island. 13,1317. more had been employed to provide retiring allowances and pensions for the Irish Constabulary. The additional salaries to the officers of the County Courts were another important item. The other class showing a considerable increase include the Board of Trade and Home Office, and all those numerous groups of Public Departments which the tendency of our times is increasing every day.

The unpleasant fact resulted from this examination that the Estimates for the Civil Service and the Revenue Departments taken together showed an increase of 423,562l. over the cost of these establishments in the former year. Accordingly, Sir Stafford Northcote's chance of making a "popular budget" must have been non-existent from the first, and his task, when he rose to make his statement on April 3, was simply to explain the method he proposed to adopt in order to remedy the unavoidable deficit. He said that last year he had left himself with the narrow surplus of 400,000l., from which he had to provide 60,000l. for reduction of taxation, 100,000l. for reduction of debt, and considerable supplementary estimates, especially for Irish education. To meet these liabilities he trusted entirely to the growth of the revenue, and his anticipations had been completely justified by the result. The revenue of last year, estimated at 75,625,000l., actually yielded 77,131,693l., being an excess of 1,506,6931. At the same time the estimated expenditure of the last year was 75,522,000l., and the actual expenditure was 76,421,773, leaving an excess of nearly 900,000l. over the estimates. There was therefore a surplus of revenue over expenditure for the year of 710,000l. Sir Stafford Northcote then minutely compared the estimated and actual figures both of the revenue and expenditure of last year, and afterwards stated that in future the debt would appear in the estimates under three heads-the permanent debt, the interest on local loans, and the temporary debt. After noticing the balances in the Exchequer, now at 5,119,000l.-a very low point-he proceeded to state the estimated expenditure for next year as follows: