the Montenegrins have, as on all previous occasions, shown themselves to be real heroes. Unfortunately the same cannot be said of the Servians, notwithstanding the presence of our volunteers in the Servian ranks, many of whom have shed their blood for the Slavonian cause. I know that all Russia most warmly sympathizes with me in the sufferings of our brethren and co-religionists. The true interests of Russia, however, are dearer to me than all, and I should wish to the uttermost to spare Russian blood from being shed. This is the reason why I have striven, and shall still strive, to obtain a real improvement of the position of the Christians in the East by peaceful means. In a few days negotiations will commence in Constantinople between the representatives of the Great Powers to settle the conditions of peace. My most ardent wish is that we may arrive at a general agreement. Should this, however, not be achieved, and should I see that we cannot obtain such guarantees as are necessary for carrying out what we have a right to demand of the Porte, I am firmly determined to act independently, and I am convinced that in this case the whole of Russia will respond to my summons, should I consider it necessary and should the honour of Russia require it. I am also convinced that Moscow, as heretofore, will lead the van by its example. May God help us to carry out our sacred mission!

The Berlin correspondent of the Times, well known as being thoroughly informed on these topics, declared that the Czar's speech was regarded as the vehement reply to a recent English utterance rather than a deliberate announcement of war; yet it governed the situation entirely. The Czar had publicly spoken of the Slavonic cause as common to Russians and Servians, and had distinctly alluded to his intention to go to war for this cause. The Czar had made this official announcement in behalf of himself and Russia, after the Russian volunteers, who were represented as independent agents, had proved insufficient to defend the Servians. The Czar had regarded the Slavonic cause as so very urgent that he alluded to the contingency that he might be driven to take up arms, albeit the Servians-that is, the particular Slavonians to be immediately benefited-had, on the Czar's own showing, no wish to fight for the liberty the Russians are anxious to confer upon them. These were grave facts; but the very energy of his Majesty's utterances was viewed as a proof that Lord Beaconsfield's oration and the willingness of the Servians to accept terms disapproved by Russia had more to do with the Moscow event than anything else.

The Moscow Town Council answered the Czar with no lack of goodwill and loyalty, although with a rather Asiatic enflure of diction" Most Gracious Emperor,-When thy sovereign command went forth and, penetrating across the sea, immediately put a stop to the sanguinary fight, thy name was blessed in all orthodox countries and in all lands of Slavonic speech. The world, disquieted by serious events, attentively listened to thy Imperial word, and it stood in anxious expectation of what should follow. Now that

rejoicing Moscow has welcomed thee back to the Kremlin, and heard from thee the truth of thy Imperial word and will; now that, in the wonderful moment of thy Imperial discourse, the hearts of the Russian millions have sympathetically responded to the Czarish heart; now that all Russia, assembled in Moscow, powerful and united as ever, has seen her own thoughts embodied by the Czar, the living impersonation of her destinies, the commander and guide of her strength, the representative of her soul and her historical mission; now that all this has come to pass, the mist of uncertainty has been dispelled by the light of truth and the bright dawn of hope, and confidence is shedding its luminous brilliancy over the Russian land. We now know, O Majesty! that, firm in the consciousness of a just cause, thou hast withstood the temptations of military ambition, and, sparing the lives of thy subjects, sacred to thee, hast used with divinely-bestowed power, with infinite long-suffering, to seek a certain but pacific alleviation of the woes oppressing the Oriental Christians for centuries. Thanks to thee, O Czar! O most pacific of Czars of the most. pacific of nations! thanks to thee for thy wisdom in waiting and in predetermining the hour when thy Czarish patience will be exhausted and the moment for the independent action of Russia shall have come."

An interesting controversy arose, upon the publication in England of a despatch narrating a conversation between the Czar and Lord A. Loftus, in which the former pledged his honour that he had no designs upon Constantinople, as to whether Lord Beaconsfield had received it before making his speech. It appeared afterwards that he had, and consequently that he had not been able to attach a great amount of faith to the assurances conveyed. Lord Derby expressed the same scepticism in his answer to the request for the publication of the despatch. "It is not customary," he observed, "to permit the publication of diplomatic papers during the progress of negotiation; but in this case her Majesty's Government have thought that the publication of the Czar's pacific intentions would be useful and opportune, especially as they have recently heard that the Russian army is being mobilized, and a loan of a hundred million roubles announced."

A letter from Prince Gortschakoff to the Russian Ambassador in England, was published in the Journal de St. Petersbourg, on November 25, in which the veteran statesman echoed the utterances of his royal master:-"I see with profound surprise by your last letter that ideas of our coveting Constantinople and of the will of Peter the Great continue to haunt the minds of some people in England. I confess I thought these absurdities beyond belief, and dismissed, with the conquest of India by Russia, to the domain of political mythology. How often have the Russian Emperors publicly repeated that no territorial annexation enters into their policy; that they would be much embarrassed by it, and that the maintenance of the status quo of the East was the best combina

tion. In our form of government the word of the sovereign is not, like a parliamentary declaration, revocable at the will of majorities. Their personal loyalty is at stake. How many times, moreover, have not facts replied to this? If Russia had these desires, she would do what annexing Powers do. She would prepare in silence, and act on the first favourable occasion. Had she not an opportunity in 1829, in 1848, and 1870, when the attention and the forces of Europe were elsewhere absorbed? What proofs, then, is it necessary to give English Ministers of a disinterestedness, founded not on political virtue, but on reason and good sense? If they would just forget for one moment that they are English, and place themselves at a Russian point of view, we would ask them if, conscientiously, they would advise the Imperial Government to seek the possession of Constantinople? The reply would not be doubtful. Why deny us the practical sense they themselves have? The only rational combination for Russian interests is to leave the keys of the Black Sea in hands feeble enough not to close to Russia that commercial outlet or menace her security. Turkish dominion answers to this programme. Is it our fault if the Turks have abused it by rendering their sway intolerable for their Christian subjects? Has not the English policy contributed to the abuse by exciting the suspicions of the Porte against Russia through her own rivalry, and in assisting to make force the sole basis of its power?"

Near the end of the year, an incident occurred at St. Petersburg which startled the inhabitants greatly, and which, although its importance was perhaps exaggerated at the time, deserves a record here. December 18 is marked out in the Russo-Greek calendar as sacred to St. Nicholas the Miracle-worker, and consequently at many of the churches there was a large attendance of those orthodox persons bearing the name of this Saint. At about noon a great number of young people of both sexes congregated in the Cathedral of Our Lady of Kazan, facing the great street of the Nevsky Prospect. While divine service was being performed it was noticed that these persons, who seemed to be students, were conducting themselves in a very unbecoming way by strolling about the church and carrying on a lively conversation with one another. By the time the service was over about 200 had assembled, and most of them then left the cathedral and stood outside on the steps. The curiosity and suspicion which had been awakened by their strange behaviour was much increased when one of the youths began to address his fellows by saying:-" We shall always esteem this day in remembrance of those sent to hard labour (Siberia)." This allusion was greeted with loud shouts of "Hurrah!" After making some other not very intelligible remarks, and mentioning several names, the speaker drew forth from the pocket of a little peasant boy standing near a red handkerchief or flag, on which were the words Zemlia e Volia-Land and Liberty. The production of this emblem of their creed was

the signal for more shouting, in which the boy, who was evidently an innocent victim, took part. Some officious bystanders then took hold of the boy, whereupon many of the students got frightened and began to disperse, while others advised that they should all march down the street in a body. This was going on not only in the most fashionable part of the city, but also at the most fashionable time of the day, when members of the Imperial family and all the grandees of St. Petersburg were taking their midday strolls up and down the Nevsky, and many gendarmes and policemen were about. It was, therefore, but a minute or two before several of the latter came up, but they only met with insult and resistance. In the meantime messengers had been sent to the authorities. With astonishing quickness General Trepoff and several high police officials, with a force of constables, arrived on the scene before all the would-be disturbers of the peace had time to get away. The arrests immediately commenced, and both men and women were hastily dragged off to an isvoshtchick, or public drivers' yard in the vicinity which served as a temporary lock-up. Altogether thirty-two persons were taken, including eleven women. The excitement was very great in the immediate neighbourhood at the time; and the news spreading like lightning over the town, it soon became the one and only theme of conversation, both in private circles and all places of public resort.

"Various rumours," remarked a correspondent of the Times, "were quickly put in circulation. It was said that this incident was only an indication of a more extensive movement, and that there had been similar scenes in other parts of the town as well as at Moscow. It was also thought that the affair had been foreseen; that the streets round the cathedral had been well watched all day by the secret police, and that the women who were captured were male students in female attire. There was an attempt made to connect it with Poland by reporting that the students had at first tried to take down one of the Polish standards in the church, but this was afterwards contradicted. The only plausible guess made at the cause of the matter was that the students of the medical school, to which most of the prisoners belong, were discontented in consequence of being pushed through the course of studies in order to be draughted as soon as possible into the ranks of the mobilised troops. But until we know the results of the judicial inquiry now on foot, these reports fail to enlighten us as to the real motives, if any, which led to the demonstration. As an attempt at popular agitation, a more ridiculous exhibition could scarcely be imagined, and the ill-chosen time and place made it doubly absurd. As far as concerned the general public, who did almost as much to preserve order as the police on this occasion, such a miserable effort at political propaganda must have been a complete failure even had the police not interfered. In affairs of this kind I think that the Russian police are apt to make very much ado about nothing, and in taking the most severe

measures the significance of a case like the present is often magnified beyond its real importance. This is the impression which would naturally be made upon an Englishman who has been accustomed to see such meetings of malcontents tolerated in his own country without fear of any dangerous consequences. I had often before heard of the strictness of the authorities in punishing any misbehaviour on the part of the students; and although I could not help admiring the thorough way in which the police performed their duty on the occasion, at the same time it seemed to me that every young man who was unfortunate enough to have long hair or a shawl over his shoulders-two distinctive marks of a Russian student was quickly pounced upon by the officers and hurried off to prison. Whether or not there was any particular reason for this outbreak it is impossible to say with certainty. At the same time, everyone knew that discontent and political agitation among the students were constant sources of trouble in this country."

The excitement caused by this émeute gradually subsided in the following week. It was known that many arrests had been made, and it was asserted that some of the culprits would be sent to Siberia. But the far greater interest attaching to the result of the Conference at Constantinople monopolised the attention of all, and that was the one topic which occupied public opinion in Russia, as in the rest of Europe, at the close of the year.

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CHAPTER IV.

TURKEY AND THE EASTERN QUESTION.

Historical retrospect, the beginning of the Revolts: situation of Turkey and its provinces in January-Effects of the Andrassy Note: military and diplomatic events in the Spring-Postponement of dividends-The Bulgarian revolt in April: its extent and the mode of suppression-The outrage at Salonica: action of the European Powers-Deposition and death of Abdul Aziz: accession of Murad-Assassination of Turksh ministers-The Berlin Note-Servia and Montenegro narrative of military events from June 30 to October 30-The Russian Ultimatum and the Armistice-The Deposition of Murad in favour of Abdul Hamid-Mr. Baring's Report-Diplomacy in November and December-Lord Salisbury on his travels-The Commission of Demarcation-The ConferenceAffairs in Roumania.

GREECE.-Ministerial crisis-Causes of neutrality-National resources-The Agricultural Bank-Financial measures.

Ir needed no gift of prophecy on the part of the English Prime Minister to predict, as he did at the Guildhall Banquet of 1875, that the following year would witness important events in the East. The famous diplomatic episode of the Andrassy Note, in December, only marked a new stage in proceedings that had long been important, and were rapidly becoming threatening. It will be well, therefore, to preface our record of Eastern events by a brief historical retrospect.