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Biblical Cyclopædia is regarded as a Dictionary of the Bible, such is their excellence and their importance, and so seasonable do we consider the publication of them, that, without pledging ourselves to an unqualified approval, we do most seriously and strongly recommend them to the perusal of Christians. Under the article Edification, the Author remarks, that

It is a question that merits the serious consideration of both the pastors and churches of the present day, how far their external oder of worship is that which is best adapted to call into exercise the various gifts which Christ hath bestowed upon them, and which are conferred with a view to their mutual edification; or, which amounts to the same thing, how far their order is consonant to that which the wisdom of God ordained in the first churches of the saints; for we may rest fully assured that, if the order of our churches in the present day varies from that which was instituted by the apostles, it is for the worse. And I the more readily suggest this hint, inasmuch as it is a fact too obvious to be disputed, that some of the greatest men who have arisen in the Christian church since the times of reformation, have perceived the matter in this point of view, and been greatly dissatisfied with the present prevailing plan which confines the conduct ng of public worship on the Lord's day, to the prayers and preaching of the pastor. The complaint has been echoed by many who yet know not how to redress the grievance or apply the remedy. The duty however is incumbent upon them: for, in vain shall they complain of the want of edification among the churches, the scarcity of gifts for qualifying men for the work of the ministry and the great dissimilarity that there is between the churches of the present day and the first churches of the saints in the fervency of their zeal, the holiness of their lives, their conformity to Christ, and their unfeigned love to the brethren, so long as they are regardless of the means which his wisdom and his love have instituted to promote their spiritual prosperity That which first of all demands their concern is, to disentangle their minds from an undue deference to the custon's of their forefathers, and to follow the latter no farther than they can perceive them following Christ and his Apostles.'

The acuteness of the Author appears in many of the articles in this Cyclopædia, though the protundity of his metaphysical knowledge will not be conceded by every scholar who may examine it. Locke's definit on of Conscience 'art. Conscience) is severely censured by Mr. Jones, who substitutes the following in its place: Conscience, is the testimony or secret judgment of the soul, which awards its approbation to actions that it thinks good, or blames those which it regards as evil.' Now, in what respect does this definition differ from Locke's? Conscience is our own opinion or judgement of the moral rectitude or pravity of our own actions.' We do not profess principles of theology at variance with the Author's, but as a question of moral science, we should be glad if he could give us the satisfaction

which we are prepared to expect from the manner in which the following proposition is announced.

That the author of our nature has furnished us with infallible principles of judging concerning right and wrong, in giving us certain instincts and feelings, and in establishing a certain order and course of nature, to which these instincts and feelings are adapted, is a point almost demonstrable.'

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In comparing the present work with Calmet's Dictionary, we have observed some articles which Mr. Jones has omitted, that should have had a place here; they are however neither numerous nor important. Under Pinnacle' the reader is referred to the article Temple,' where nothing on the subject occurs. suppose the design of Mr. Jones was to describe the scene of a part of Christ's temptation. In the account of Mary, the sister of Lazarus, there is obviously some confusion. It would have added to the value of the work, if the import of names of Hebrew origin had been uniformly given. Much time and labour have certainly been consumed upon the work, which altogether possesses qualifications sufficient to justify our recommendation of it as a compilation of interesting and useful articles from our most valuable Biblical writers, mixed with no inconsiderable portion of original matter relative to the faith, the practice, and the discipline included in the New Testament.

Art. X. A Letter to an English Nobleman, respectfully submitted to the serious consideration of both Houses of Parliament. Containing an Analysis of the British Constitution, and a Review of the Catholic Question, as it relates to Ireland in particular, and as it stands connected in its Consequences with the Happiness and Security of Society in other Countries. By LIBERATOR. 8vo. pp. 316. Pr. 9s. 1817.

THE

HE circumstances in which the discussion of the Catholic Question originated, and the embarrassments which have attended its progress, afford decisive proofs of the radical evils of a union between civil authority and religious profession. The injustice of such a connexion must be considered on other grounds, but the impolicy of it is apparent in the consequences which have created so powerful an opposition between the adherents of the Papal bierarchy, and the partisans of the Protestant Ecclesiastical Establishment of England. The enjoyment of exclusive secular patronage by religious professors, is not demanded by any just claim they can make in that character; and as it can be obtained only by the violation of social right, it ought not to excite surprise that the results of the encroachment should prove perplexing and mischievous. If, at the period of the rupture with the Romish See, in the time of Henry the Eighth,

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religious freedom had been fully recognised, and civil rights left the appropriate qualifications of their own proper subjects,—if the political institutes of the country had been the exclusive care of its government, and religion, as the business of individuals, had been left in their own keeping, the wisdom of the Legislature had not been necessary to settle numerous questions which have involved the national prosperity and existence. Civil government always acts most according to its original purpose, when it separates the religious profession of the subjects of the State from its control, and limits its attentions to their political capacity. The history of those nations in whose institutes this principle has been violated, is replete with accounts of the fiercest contentions, and the most extensive mischiefs occasioned by the restless influence of religious profession associated with secular power. Religious profession, which should find its proper relations and exercise in the objec ́s of eternity, has never been diverted from its true interests, but the public peace and welfare have been sacrificed to the spirit which it has acquired by its unnatural

alliance.

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It is easier to discover practical mischiefs than to apply a proper remedy for their cure. The evils consequent on a secular religious authority, are almost universally acknowledged to exist in the difficulties of Ireland, though there may be some perhaps who are incompetent, and others unwilling, to trace them to their proper causes. Emancipation,' it is imagined, will heal these maladies. This is the demand of a large class of the people; while another numerous class dread the measure as threatening still greater dangers. In regard to ourselves, we do not dissemble that Popery armed with power, would present all that is alarming. We firmly believe that its triumph would be the death blow to our liberties, and that its success would be followed with the direst tragedies. We should then fear all that men can fear. But with this feeling on the subject, we cannot but perceive that the reasons for our alarm are found in other causes than the proposed measure of Emancipation.' If the influence and acts of our Government went only to the sanction of Emancipation,'-if the Legislature satisfied itself with the repeal of Penal Statutes affecting Roman Catholics, we should not tremble at the prospect; we should cheer ourselves with the good to be anticipated from employing the means of knowledge freely and extensively. But when we view the attitude which Popery has now assumed, and consider to whom it owes the revived hope of again controlling and injuring us, we cannot conceal that the solicited emancipation, were it even conceded, would not be the primary evil to excite dread. And we would hope that every Protestant who expresses his alarm about it, has the testimony of his conscience that neither actively, nor by his sanction, has he

aided the once fallen agents of Popery abroad, to regain their seats, and the power of doing mischief.

From what cause can it have arisen, that this Question' of the repeal of the Penal Statute, has been discussed on grounds so partial? A stranger to our jurispudence might easily conclude, from the debates which this Question' has excited, that the only persons among the subjects of this United Kingdom, who are aggrieved by the provisions of the penal code, are the professors of the Roman Catholic faith; the case of the entire body of Protestant Dissenters having been overlooked by the writers and speakers who have advocated the cause of the Petitioners for Emancipation. On the principles which these advocates have avowed, the restrictions oppressive to Dissenters ought immediately to be removed, and the way opened for their admittance to the full exercise of their civil rights.

Lord Grenville has publicly declared, that, in his opinion, it would be an act of undeniable wisdom and justice, to communicate to our fellow subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion, the full enjoyment of our civil constitution. Aware, however, that the relations of the Roman Catholics to a foreign power, are considerations of great moment in this question, his Lordship qualifies the proposed measure, by suggesting the adoption of suitable arrangements maturely prepared, which are well known to comprehend the reservation of the influence of the Crown over the nomination of Roman Catholic bishops. Were the circumstances in which the necessity of interposing this Veto arises, removed, or did they not exist, his Lordship's act of 'undeniable wisdom and justice' would be cleared of every difficulty. Now, in whatever respects professors of the Roman Catholic religion are considered as being unwisely and unjustly excluded from the enjoyment of our civil constitution, Protestant Dissenters maintain a title neither less clear nor less strong. Their claims, (and which they cannot be charged with obtruding upon the public attention,) are entirely divested of all those difficulties which adhere to the Catholic claims.' They acknowledge no foreign authority, they have no infallible head of the church' at Rome to dictate the laws of their obedience; they do not profess an exclusive creed; their attachment to the civil constitution under which they live, is unquestionable, and their submission to the laws is exemplary. If, then, to say the least, the Protestant Dissenters are, as to their political character, not inferior to the professors of the Roman Catholic religion, it must be an act of undeniable wisdom and justice' to exonerate them from the restrictions of penal statutes, by their admission to the full enjoyment of our civil constitution. To repeal those statutes in favour of Catholics,' and leave them binding and galling on Protestants, would be palpable injustice. To the

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Protestant Dissenters the civil constitution of England, as now established, owes, more than to any other class of subjects, its preservation ;-is it just then that any of those rights, which they have ever been the foremost in securing to the community, should be withheld from them?

The Letter now before us, is written with some ability, but it has no claim to praise for excellence of arrangement or perspicuity of style; it is indeed perplexed and obscure.

The Author proposes to investigate the original rights which man retains on entering into the social state, and to the enjoy. ment of which every member of the community, not stained by ( crime or rendered infamous by punishment, is, under the British constitution, equally and fully entitled; the nature and spirit of the constitution, previous to and at the period of the Revolution of 1:88; to review the conditions to be performed by every candidate for the honours and privileges of the State, previous to his competency to hold or to enjoy them; and to prove that such conditions cannot be injurious or repugnant to the letter or the spirit of the Christian Religion.

As it would be vain to attempt an analysis of this volume, we shall satisfy ourselves with furnishing our readers with the following extracts:

The policy of the Church of Rome has been peculiarly marked, by requiring an obedience to its decrees, so implicit and unqualified, that its votaries, in a spiritual sense, are (in contradiction to the meaning of terms) the subjects of a temporal, though denominated a spiritual kingdom; and as that authority is most arbitrary which is least defined, the Church of Rome ascertains no limits beyond which its power cannot extend; but "wise in its generation," proportions the obedience required to the necessities which may demand them: and by affixing crime even to doubt, and apostacy to inquiry, the origin and nature of its assumed spiritual authority is so over-shadowed and obscured from protane observation, that allegiance thereto becomes implicit and supreme, and the security extended to the state, for the performance of the duty of allegiance, rests upon the discretion of its own infallible will!

The subject urges me to a detail which I could wish to avoid, were I not satisfied that though Catholics may be entitled to toleration, yet until they escape from their present yoke of bondage, they must be incapable of enjoying the blessings of constitutional freedom, and therefore are unfit depositories of power or of privilege.' p. 77.

If political power and privileges should be still pursued, recol. lect that the success of the laity must depend upon your ability to prove, by primary and authentic evidence, that all the doctrines imputed to the Church of Rome, injurious to the security of constitutional liberty, as upheld by some and denied by other councils, are now not only not recognized but formally abrogated and condemned by an authority equal to, that by which they were previously imposed

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