out proper representation. In London, the Farther attempts have been made i great influence of various corporations the midland counties to produce peace and mercantile bodies secured the elec- by petitions to the ensuing parliament, tions of the three ministerial candidates, in which we have too great reason to and, by the cross o'es, intended to keep apprehend that the Catholics will again Mr. Wathmau and Alderman suffer a defeat. Opposition has been Wood, placed Alderman Combe at the made to them in the corporation head of the poll. At Bristol, Sir Samuel of Dublin, but we are happy to say that Romilly was thrown out and a Liver the cry of No Popery was scarcely heard pool, Mr. Canning was rought in, in op- in any part of the country during the position to Mr. Brougham. Mr Can- elections. in one or two places the canning was very cap cit as to his parlament didates appealed to the supposed alliance ary conduct, declaring himself a decid- of church and state; that is, the alliance ed enemy to parliamenta. y reform, and of a small body of people with the state a strenuous admirer and suppo ter of the to deprive the majority of its rights. politics of Mr. P.tt. The election was However, the country seems to be too strongly contested, which shews that the wise to be misled by such nonsense, and whole town is no: so compl tely inta- though the United Kingdom may be tuated. At Leicester, a feeble attempt the last of the European states to acwas made to bring in Mr. Roscoe. knowledge the rights of conscience, yet However elected the gentlemen will the established sect cannot long maintain have an arduous task to perform. The its ground, for it is dwindling away by complete success of the ministry in the the people forming places of worship of House will not insure success to their their own, and the religion of the es measures, and Buonaparte is not to be tablished sect will, in no short time, be beaten by majonties in parliament. nothing else but a religion of state. We have received from Scrutator a defence of the passage in his pamphlet animadverted on by our correspondent, H. P. pp. 510, 511. Both writers appear to us to have misinterpreted Dr. Priestley's dying language, which is, we presume to think, accurately explained in the Review of the “* History of Dissenters' in our present number But we should, nevertheless, have given a place to Scru tator's letter, had he not so strongly, and somewhat harshly, urged his former statement, which is indelicate to say the least) to the memory of Dr. Priestley and is extremely open to misrepresentation and abuse from the numerous enemies of that great man and of the cause which survives him. The writer of the double, unpaid, anonymous letter, containing a trifling extract and bearing the post-mark of Bolton, is informed that his letter is returned to the Post Office as is also the anonymous letter, containing likewise a worthless extract, bearing the post mark of Guildford. In our next, The Resolutions of the Deputies, The Circular of the Protestant Society, The Report of the Unitarian Fund, Review of Le Courayer's last Treatise, and Review of Belsham's Memoirs of Lindsey, &c. &c. Memoirs of Mrs. Jebb. considered them as still engaged in a mere contest for place. She [Concluded from p. 604.] deprecated the doctrine of here Her zeal in the cause of civil ditary right, as advanced by Mr. and religious liberty was unabated Fox; though she considered it by her husband's death, and as, expedient to invest the Heir Ap by degrees, she recovered her parent with the royal powers. wonted serenity, her attention was She had no objection to the re once more directed to the progress strictions proposed by Mr. Pitt, of public affairs. On every new which she thought strictly conappearance of hope, she was still stitutional: but she was very far apt to anticipate a result favour- indeed from approving the whole able to the general welfare: the of his proceedings. In a letter to remembrance of what had passed Major Cartwright, therefore, at Cambridge could not now ap- about the close of February, she pal her: she had no conception thus forcibly avows her dissatis. of those sordid motives by which faction: too many are actuated; and she doubted the very existence of a principle, of which she found no traces in herself. Hence arose at times, an overweening confidence in the virtue of individuals or the wisdom of collective bodies, the only material error of which she could be reasonably accused.. 33 Her confidence, however, in the rival statesmen of her own country, had been too rudely shaken, for her good opinion to be easily regained: and the discus sions on the Regency, in 1789. were calculated rather to increase than to diminish her distrust, She saw indeed in the conduct of both parties, much more to sure than to approve, and VOL. VII. "With respect to the king, each party speak as they wish, and both I think mean to deceive. That he has recovered more rapidly than could have been expected is certain, but it is contrary to reason and to experience to sup. pose body, can suddenly return to a state of that the mind, any more than the health and vigour. Even those that are of no party will naturally be as unwilling to place implicit confidence in persons, who either were themselves deceived, or intentionally deceived others. And therefore when the king is perfectly recovered, every thing should be done to take away any doubt which may be entertained by the people: I speak as a fend to what is right, without having any other reason whatever. "It is God's world, as the Doctor used to say, and I trust he will order cen the prospect bad enough. every thing for the best: but I think As you she used to say, so say I now, Cæsar hai 4 Q friends, and PowPEY has friends, but of a few individuals interested in who are friends to Rome?'* unless, I will the nefarious concern. But amidst add, when it serves their own interest. When a minister can get in, and keep such repeated disappointments, in, by doing what is right; by pleasing Mrs. Jebb rejoiced to see the the king, and serving himself at the right of juries to judge of the law same time that he is supporting the as well as the fact in cases of libel, people's cause, it is very well: but their cause is always the last thing thought at length triumphantly established of. I have been very poorly, and al- by the British parliament; and most worn out by reading long speeches, the Roman Catholics of Ireland without finding a single argument to admitted to the full enjoyment of make me alter my sentiments: but a great deal of foreign matter, illiberal the elective franchise in that counlanguage, and a want of honesty in the try, on the express recommenda majority on both sides of the house. tion of the crown. With respect to the state coachman, I could have gone with him the first Mrs. Jebb had already hailed stage with great spirit, the next with the auspicious dawn of the French some pleasure, and perhaps one or two Revolution, and sympathised in more with tolerable composure; but I the emancipation of a great people must have stopt short of the place at from despotic power. which he is now arrived, even if I had She had been left destitute and alone. But augured every thing good from there would have been no danger of be that event, and she feared no im. ing left to pine in solitude, as there are pending ill; as appears in the fol. till some, and I trust many indepen. lowing extracts from her corredent houses on the road, inhabited by spondence with Mr. Brand Hollis, spirits, who, not being blinded by party, passion, or private interest, are ready to already inserted in the Memoirs take in an honest weary traveller, who of his life. In a letter dated July is unwilling to be driven farther, mere 24, 1790, she observes: ly for the sake of making perpetual dictator, a coachman, who has never lis tened to the travellers, but when it has been evidently for his own advantage." Mrs. Jebb's conviction of the selfish policy of the premier was confirmed by his desertion of his early friends the Dissenters; and his decided hostility to every mo. tion for the repeal of the Test Act, or of those intolerant laws against Unitarians in particular, which still disgrace the penal code. On the abolition of the slave-trade, which had now become an object of general attention, he had, indeed, assumed a loftier and more manly tone but his eloquence was fruitlessly exerted in opposi tion to the prejudices of some in higher stations, and the influence "Till yesterday I had not seen an account how the great and important day concluded in France. If the king of France did not feel himself on that day that ever tyrannised over mankind, he superior to all the kings and emperors does not deserve the honour that will attend on his name to the end of time. Yet tories think if he had any spirit, he submitted to have been directed by the Nawould not have lowered himself, and tional Assembly, that if a king is not absolute, he is no king; if he is govern ed by his ministers, they reign, not he; willingly, but that all was owing to they think he could not take the oath folly and cowardice. In the mean time I shall wish prosperity and happiness thankful that I was born in an age, in to the French and their king; and be which civil and religious liberty is beginning to triumph over bigotry and arbitrary power, thankful that I was not born in that inhuman age, in which new kingdoms were no sooner explored than ruined, and the people destroyed * Give us our Rights, &c. See above or enslaved; thankful that I am living to see a disposition to reform the SER P. 601. go free." guinary laws, and to let the oppressed induce a more calm and dispas. sionate consideration of the real dangers to be apprehended from the delusions of the day. In two spirited and judicious Letters, And again on the 31st of August, she remarks, "I am not very fond of defining the rights of the people, because every de. addressed, under popular titles, finition is apt to limit. We were ex- to John Bull from one of his brepected to confine ourselves, in a late affair, to the example set us at the Revo. thren, she exposed the absurd lution, which certainly was not a simi- reasoning of the alarmists, with lar case; and if it had been so, our an- equal vivacity and shrewdness: cestors had no right to fetter their pos- and, vindicating the great cause terity. Surely we had as much right to of public freedom, she deprecatchuse and restrain a regent, as they had to chuse and restrain a king. In vain ed the idea of interfering in the do we boast of the Revolution, if the concerns of the French Republic, authors of it forged chains to shackle and pointed out the calamities their posterity for ever; this idea would which must result from a war so only make us bondmen to the dead; whereas we have enough to do to strugunnecessary and unjust, gle against the fetters we are daily threatened with by the living.-There seem to be some men in the National Assembly who are too aristocratic; yet I trust the majority will be able to complete the glorious work in the manner we could wish. You see the fire is spreading every where. I tell you the world is a good world, as the Doctor used to say, and the people who find fault with it, should mend themselves." you know they talk of a war; and, what is "I suppose," she observes, ". more surprising, of a war without fresh taxes; but you and I are too old to be so caught: we should as soon expect a war without men. Now, my dear brother, although you know I love peace, quiet, and good order, and would do much to prevent bloodshed, yet I honestly confess, that whenever there is a contest, I always wish the oppressed may Mrs. Jebb, having deprecated despotism at her feet. However, I astriumph, and rejoice to see liberty lay the attempt of the allied sove- sure you I grieve much for Louis: you reigns to restore the degrading know kings seldom hear the truth, yoke of the Bourbons, with every have bad advisers, and may be deceived friend to freedom and humanity, first of some service to the cause: so I as easily as you or I can be. He was at rejoiced in their defeat. She la. would preserve his life, though I would mented still more the rash deter. take care to put it out of his power to mination of her own country to destroy others.-The swinish multitude take a part in their iniquitous make them mad, and they can feel, as are not destitute of humanity: do not design; and saw no glory or ad- sensibly, at least, as Mr. Burke himvantage in the most successful self does, who seems so much concernwarfare, which could in any reed for the few in high stations, that he has not a sigh to spare for the multitude. spect compensate for the misery I mourn sincerely for all the blood that and desolation to which it must has been shed on either side ; but I must inevitably lead. And, therefore, during the alarm which, in 1792, was so artfully excited to cover the apostacy of Mr. Pitt from the cause of reform, and to involve England in the intrigues of the continent, she endeavoured to dis pel the public infatuation, and to be just: I must lay the most blame where most is due. If there were no violent party to oppose necessary changes or reforms, we should never have cause to lament such dreadful effusions of human blood. You scarcely ever heard of a nation rising against their chief magistrate, till resistance was become almost a virtue. Ah, John, common sense and common honesty would make excellent statesmen, and soon put a Whilst the conduct of Mr. Pitt stop to all revolutions*.-From the was thus forcibly convincing Mrs. very beginning of the disturbances in France to the present time, the king's Jebb of his indifference to the wel friends have been working his ruin. fare, and his hostility to the rights Burke was one of the first of them; of the people, Mr. Fox was graalas! he raised that spirit and called for dually regaining the place which that crusade, which, by encouraging he had once possessed in her es false hopes and improper actions on one side, caused those jealousies and discon- teem. She had not forgotten that tents on the other, which at length in all his later intercourse with hurled him from a throne to a prison. Dr. Jebb, after the close of their Oh! how much blood might have been political connection, he had treatsaved, and how many crimes prevented, had not foreign powers provoked he ed him with the same respect and, friends of freedom, and made wicked attention, as when most decidedly men believe they should escape in the bis friend. She had marked his general confusion, even if they committed that most horrible of all crimes, the steady support of the great cause crime of assassination.-Just recovered of Parliamentary reform; his manfrom the war with America, let us at ly vindication of the claims of least pause; and before we enter into conscience; his abhorrence of the another, as unnecessary, unjust and im- slave-trade; and his strenuous enprudent, let us reflect that as a relapse is generally more dangerous than the deavours, above all things, to first fever, so a return of war may, in avert the calamities of war. He the event, bring on that destruction, had fully justified the confidence, which the ast had so nearly effected. which at a fatal crisis, she had sỡ There has been much talk here of a plot, John. but the only plot which has been pointedly expressed, and proved discovered, was the plot agaiust the li- himself indeed deserving of his berty of the press, and against the good former fame; in standing forward sense of the people-the plot to frighten the intrepid advocate of wiser them into associations, which might strengthen the hands of the minister for counsels, unawed by the delusion a war against France, and increase his of the multitude, and the too gemajority in the House of Commons neral defection of his friends. against reform.-Yet the death of Louis Hence, on every subsequent ocundoubtedly will be urged to us as a reason for our approving of the intended casion, when his character was war; and in order to raise in us a spirit attacked in her presence, she of revenge, it will be represented in the warmly undertook his defence, strongest colours as cruel and unjust. But surely, brother, the shedding rivers resting his claims to public confi. of blood, in revenge for the blood of one dence, on those decided facts, man, will be no proof of our superior which so clearly evinced his sinjustice, nor will the making of thousands cerity and zeal. of weeping widows and helpless orphans, give us reason to boast of our superior and his associates was unfortu But the influence of Mr. Pitt humanity." But her efforts, like every other exertion of a sound and generous policy, were unavailing; they were repugnant to the madness and folly of the times. December 13, 1792. + January 26, 1793. nately predominant, and the mise ries of warfare extended to almost For every quarter of the globe. |