SIR W. SCOTT.]

THE UNION.

also consented, with no great scruple, that Scotland should retain her own national presbyterian church, her own system of civil and municipal laws, which is in many important respects totally different from that of England, and her own courts for the administration of justice. The only addition to her judicial establishment was the erection of the court of exchequer in Scotland, to decide in fiscal matters, and which follows the English forms.

But the treaty was nearly broken off when the English announced, that, in the parliament of the United Kingdoms, Scotland should only enjoy a representation The proposal was received by the It was loudly equal to one thirteenth of the whole number. Scottish commissioners with a burst of surprise and indignation. urged that a kingdom resigning her ancient independence, should at least obtain in the great national council a representation bearing the same proportion the population of Scotland did to that of England, which was one to six. If this rule, which seems the fairest that could be found, had been adopted, Scotland would have sent sixtysix members to the united parliament. But the English refused peremptorily to consent to the admission of more than forty-five at the very utmost; and the Scottish commissioners were bluntly and decisively informed that they must either acquiesce With more prudence, perhaps, in this proposal, or declare the treaty at an end. than spirit, the majority of the commissioners chose to yield the point rather than run the risk of frustrating the union entirely.

The Scottish peerage were to preserve all the other privileges of their rank; but their right of sitting in parliament, and acting as hereditary legislators, was to be greatly limited. Only sixteen of their number were to enjoy seats in the British house of lords, and these were to be chosen by election from the whole body. Such peers as were amongst the number of commissioners were induced to consent to this degradation of their order, by the assurance that they themselves should be created British peers, so as to give them personally, by charter, the right which the sixteen could only acquire by election.

To smooth over the difficulties, and reconcile the Scottish commissioners to the conditions which appeared hard to them, and above all, to afford them some compensation for the odium which they were certain to incur, they were given to understand that a considerable sum out of the equivalent money would be secured for We might have compassionated these statesmen, many of whom their especial use. were able and eminent men, had they, from the sincere conviction that Scotland was ander the necessity of submitting to the union at all events, accepted the terms which the English commissioners dictated. But when they united with the degra dation of their country, the prospect of obtaining personal wealth and private emoluments, we cannot acquit them of the charge of having sold their own honour and This point of the treaty was kept strictly secret; nor was it fixed that of Scotland. There remained a disposable how the rest of the equivalent was to be disposed of. fund of about three hundred and sixty thousand pounds, which was to be bestowed on Scotland in indemnification for the losses of Darien and other gratuities, upon which all those members of the Scottish parliament who might be inclined to sell their votes, and whose interest was worth purchasing might fix their hopes and expectations.

When the articles, agreed upon by the commissioners as the basis of a union, were made public in Scotland, it became plain that few suffrages would be obtained in favour of the measure, save by menaces or bribery, unless perhaps from a very few, who, casting their eyes far beyond the present time, considered the uniting of the island of Britain as an object which could not be purchased too dearly. The people in general had awaited, in a state of feverish anxiety, the nature of the proCC 2 positions on which this great national treaty was to rest; but even those who had

77

r

HALF HOURS OF ENGLISH HISTORY.

expected the least favourable terms, were not

[SIR W. SCOTT.

prepared for the rigour of the condi

trous which had been adopted, and the promulgation of the articles gave rise to the most general expressions, not only of discontent, but of rage and fury against the wishes realized in the plan adopted by the commissioners. I will show you, in a There was indeed no party or body of men in Scotland, who saw their hopes or The Jacobites saw in the proposed union, an effectual bar to the restoration of the

proposed union.

few words their several causes of dissatisfaction:

Stewart family.

Hanover

If the treaty was

adopted, the two kingdoms must necessarily be

The

The highland chiefs also, the most zealous and

governed by the English act, settling the succession of the crown on the electress of They were, therefore, resolved to oppose the union to the utmost. Jacobites, and, like them, dreaded the change of succession which must take place episcopal clergy could hardly be said to have had a separate interest from the formidable portion of the Jacobite interest, anticipated in the union a decay of their at the death of queen Anne. own patriarchal power. They remembered the times of Cromwell, who bridled the highlands by garrisons filled with soldiers, and foresaw that when Scotland came to of government, must gradually suppress the warlike independence of the clans. be only a part of the British nation, a large standing army, at the constant command

The presbyterians of the church of Scotland, both clergy and laity, were violently opposed to the union, from the natural apprehension, that so intimate an incorporation of two nations was likely to end in a uniformity of worship, and that the hierarchy of England would, in that case, be extended to the weaker and poorer country of Scotland, to the destruction of the present establishment. This fear seemed the better founded, as the bishops, or lords spiritual of the English house of lords, formed a considerable portion of what was proposed to be the legislature of both kingdoms; so that Scotland, in the event of the union taking place, must to a certain extent, fall under the dominion of prelates. These apprehensions extended to the Cameronians themselves, who, though having so many reasons to dread the restoration of the Stewarts, and to favour the protestant succession, looked, nevertheless, on the proposed union as almost a worse evil, and a still farther departure from the engagements of the solemn league and covenant, which, forgotten by all other parties in the nation, was still their professed rule of action.

The nobility and barons of the kingdom were alarmed, lest they should be deprived, after the example of England, of those territorial jurisdictions and privileges which preserved their feudal influence; while, at the same time, the transference of the seat of government to London, must necessarily be accompanied with the abolition of many posts and places of honour and profit, connected with the administration of Scotland as a separate kingdom, and which were naturally bestowed on her nobility and gentry. The government, therefore, must have so much less to give away, the men of influence so much less to receive; and those who might have expected to hold situations of power and authority in their own country while independent, were likely to lose by the union both power and patronage. The persons who were interested in commerce complained, that Scotland was only tantalized by a treaty, which held out to the kingdom the prospect of a free trade, when, at the same time, it subjected them to all the English burdens and duties, raising the expenses of commerce to a height which Scotland afforded no capital to defray; so that the apprehension became general, that the Scottish merchants would lose the separate trade which they now possessed, without obtaining any beneficial share in that of England.

Again, the whole body of Scottish trades-people, artisans, and the like, particularly those of the metropolis, foresaw, that in consequence of the union, a large

proportion of the nobility and gentry would be withdrawn from their native country, some to attend their duties in the British parliament, others from the various motives of ambition, pleasure, or vanity, which induce persons of comparative wealth to frequent courts, and reside in capitals. The consequences to be apprehended were, that the Scottish metropolis would be deserted by all that were wealthy and noble, and deprived at once of the consideration and advantages of a capital; and that the country must suffer in proportion, by the larger proprietors ceasing to reside on their estates, and going to spend their rents in England.

These were evils apprehended by particular classes of men. But the loss and disgrace to be sustained by the ancient kingdom, which had so long defended her liberty and independence against England, were common to all her children; and should Scotland at this crisis voluntarily surrender her rank among nations, for no immediate advantages that could be anticipated, excepting such as might be obtained by private individuals, who had votes to sell, and consciences that permitted them to traffic in such ware, each inhabitant of Scotland must have his share in the apprehended dishonour. Perhaps, too, those felt it most, who, having no estates or wealth to lose, claimed yet a share, with the greatest and the richest, in the honour of their common country.

The feelings of national pride were inflamed by those of national prejudice and resentment. The Scottish people complained, that they were not only required to surrender their public rights, but to yield them up to the very nation who had been most malevolent to them in all respects; who had been their constant enemies during a thousand years of almost continual war; and who, even since they were united under the same crown, had shown, in the massacre of Glencoe, and the disasters of Darien, at what a slight price they held the lives and rights of their northern neighbours. The hostile measures adopted by the English parliament,―their declarations against the Scottish trade,—their preparations for war on the border,—were all circumstances which envenomed the animosity of the people of Scotland; while the general training which had taken place under the act of security, made them confident in their own military strength, and disposed to stand their ground at all hazards.

Moved by anxiety, doubt, and apprehension, an unprecedented confluence of people, of every rank, sex, and age, thronged to Edinburgh from all corners of Scotland, to attend the meeting of the union parliament, which met 3rd October, 1706.

The parliament was divided, generally speaking, into three parties. The first was composed of the courtiers or followers of government, determined at all events to carry through the union, on the terms proposed by the commissioners. This party

was led by the duke of Queensberry, lord high commissioner, a person of talents and accomplishments, and great political address, who had filled the highest situations during the last reigns. He was assisted by the earl of Mar, secretary of state, who was suspected to be naturally much disposed to favour the exiled family of Stewart, but who, sacrificing his political principles to love of power or of emolument, was deeply concerned in the underhand and private management by which the union was carrying through. But the most active agent in the treaty was the viscount Stair, long left out of administration on account of his share in the scandalous massacre of Glencoe and the affair of Darien. He was raised to an earldom in 1703, and was highly trusted and employed by lord Godolphin and the English administration. This celebrated statesman, now trusted and employed, by his address, eloquence, and talents, contributed greatly to accomplish the union, and gained on that account, from a great majority of his displeased countrymen, the popular nickname of the Curse of Scotland.

The party opposing the union consisted of those who were attached to the Jacobite

interest, joined with the country party, who, like Fletcher of Saltoun, resisted the treaty, not on the grounds of the succession to the crown, but as destructive of the national independence of the kingdom. They were headed by the duke of Hamilton, the premier peer of Scotland, an excellent speaker, and admirably qualified to act as the head of a party in ordinary times, but possessed of such large estates as rendered him unwilling to take any decisive steps by which his property might be endangered. To this it seems to have been owing, that the more decided and effectual measures, by which alone the union treaty might have been defeated, though they often seemed to gain his approbation for a time, never had his hearty or effectual support in the end.

There was a third party, greatly smaller than either of the others, but which secured to themselves a degree of consequence by keeping together, and affecting to act independently of the rest, from which they were termed the squadróne volánte. They were headed by the marquis of Tweeddale, and consisted of the members of an administration of which the marquis had been the head, but which were turned out of office to make way for the duke of Queensberry and the present ruling party. These discontented politicians were neither favourers of the court, which had dismissed them, nor of the opposition party. To speak plainly, in a case where their country demanded of them a decisive opinion, the squadróne seem to have waited to see what course of conduct would best serve their own interest. We shall pre

sently see that they were at last decided to support the treaty by a reconciliation with the court.

PART II.

The unpopularity of the proposed measure throughout Scotland in general, was soon made evident by the temper of the people of Edinburgh. The citizens of the better class exclaimed against the favourers of the union, as willing to surrender the sovereignty of Scotland to her ancient rival, whilst the populace stated the same idea in a manner more obvious to their gross capacities, and cried out that the Scottish crown, sceptre, and sword, were about to be transferred to England, as they had been in the time of the usurper, Edward Longshanks.

On the 23rd October, the popular fury was at its height. The people crowded together in the High street and Parliament square, and greeted their representatives as friends or enemies to their country, according as they opposed or favoured the union. The commissioner was bitterly reviled and hooted at, while, in the evening of the day, several hundred persons escorted the duke of Hamilton to his lodgings, encouraging him by loud huzzas to stand by the cause of national independence. The rabble next assailed the house of the lord provost, destroyed the windows, and broke open the doors, and threatened him with instant death as a favourer of the obnoxious treaty.

Other acts of riot were committed, which were not ultimately for the advantage of the anti-unionists, since they were assigned as reasons for introducing strong bodies of troops into the city. These mounted guard in the principal streets; and the commissioner dared only pass to his coach through a lane of soldiers under arms, and was then driven to his lodgings in the Canongate amidst repeated volleys of stones and roars of execration. The duke of Hamilton continued to have his escort of shouting apprentices, who attended him home every evening.

But the posting of the guards overawed opposition both within and without the parliament; and, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the opposition party, that it was an encroachment both on the privileges of the city of Edinburgh and of the parliament itself, the hall of meeting continued to be surrounded by a military force.

The temper of the kingdom of Scotland at large was equally unfavourable to the treaty of union with that of the capital. Addresses against the measure were poured into the house of parliament from the several shires, counties, burghs, towns, and parishes. Men, otherwise the most opposed to each other, Whig and Tory, Jacobite and Williamite, presbyterian, episcopalian, and Cameronian, all agreed in expressing their detestation of the treaty, and imploring the estates of parliament to support and preserve entire the sovereignty and independence of the crown and kingdom, with the rights and privileges of parliament, valiantly maintained through so many ages, so that the succeeding generations might receive them unimpaired; in which good cause the petitioners offered to concur with life and fortune. While addresses of this description loaded the table of the parliament, the promoters of the union could only procure from a few persons in the town of Ayr a single address in favour of the measure, which was more than overbalanced by one of an opposite tendency, signed by a very large majority of the inhabitants of the same burgh.

The unionists, secure in their triumphant majorities, treated these addresses with scorn. The duke of Argyle said, they were only fit to be made kites of, while the earl of Marchmont proposed to reject them as seditious, and, as he alleged, got up collusively, and expressing the sense of a party rather than of the nation. To this it was boldly answered by sir James Foulis of Colington, that, if the authenticity of the addresses were challenged, he had no doubt that the parties subscribing would attend the right honourable house in person, and enforce their petitions by their presence. This was an alarming suggestion, and ended the debate.

Amongst these addresses against the union, there was one from the commission of the general assembly, which was supposed to speak the sentiment of most of the clergymen of the church of Scotland, who saw great danger to the presbyterian church from the measure under deliberation. But much of the heat of the clergy's opposition was taken off by the parliament's passing an act for the security of the church of Scotland as by law established at the Revolution, and making this declaration an integral part of the treaty of union. This cautionary measure seems to have been deemed sufficient; and although some presbyteries sent addresses against the union, and many ministers continued to preach violently on the subject, yet the great body of the clergy ceased to vex themselves and others with the alarming tendency of the measure, so far as religion and church discipline were concerned.

The Cameronians, however, remained unsatisfied, and not having forgotten the weight which their arms had produced at the time of the Revolution, they conceived that a similar crisis of public affairs had again arrived, and required their active interference. Being actually embodied and possessed of arms, they wanted nothing save hardy and daring leaders to have engaged them in actual hostilities. They were indeed so earnest in opposing the union, that several hundreds of them appeared in formal array, marched into Dumfries, and, drawing up in military order around the cross of the town, solemnly burnt the articles of union, and published a testimony, declaring that the commissioners who adjusted them must have been either silly, ignorant, or treacherous, if not all three, and protesting, that if an attempt should be made to impose the treaty on the nation by force, the subscribers were determined that they and their companions would not become tributaries and bond slaves to their neighbours, without acquitting themselves as became men and christians. After publishing this threatening manifesto the assembly dispersed.

This conduct of the Cameronians led to a formidable conspiracy. One Cunningham of Eckatt, a leading man of that sect at the time of the Revolution, afterwards a settler at Darien, offered his services to the heads of the opposition party, to lead to Edinburgh such an army of Cameronians as should disperse the parment, and break off the treaty of union. He was rewarded with mon