Spain from which an enemy can most easily invade Ireland-that country in which, as the hon. seconder of the address had well remarked, it has long been our plan and our policy to keep the people divided and disconnected; let all the advantages of Spain, natural as well as adventitious, after they have been improved to the utmost by the intellect of France (a power the least calculated in Europe to neglect them), be employed against us: let all this be done; still all the danger that can arise from them is, a distant apprehension-an idle fear. If we do quarrel with France, it is no matter: we have beat her once, when she was mightier than she is now; and if need come, we can beat, and will beat her again." All this might be very true: we might, and he trusted we should, be successful in such a struggle; still he thought it might be as well to avoid even the cause of quarrel, in a case where, if quarrel did occur, we must necessarily run up a bill of 100 millions, to say nothing of the many thousand lives which must be sacrificed during its continuance. It was all very well that such a calamity-for war under any circumstances, was a calamity should happen, where the honour as well as the interest of the country was at stake; but still, if it were to occur, we should not allow our adversary to take undisputed possession beforehand of every advantage that was calculated to annoy us. Some individuals, however, acted- and he was not now alluding to his majesty's ministers—as if the honour of the country were not worthy of regard, and as if its interest were the only legitimate cause for its engaging in war. They considered that our honour had not been tarnished by the aggression of France on Spain; yet they saw our dearest interests endangered by the very suggestion that a similar aggression was contemplated by France upon Spanish America. Their language almost amounted to this-"I care not for my character-I value not my honour; but touch my pocket, and you touch my life. Touch what you will, but for God's sake touch not the colonies; if you do, you touch the manufactures of England--you place yourself in collision with one of our most delicate interests:" and, as some said, though he again repeated, not his majesty's ministers, "You give us cause, and make it time for us to arm." He could not understand by what misapplication of ingenuity, or by what subtilty of argument, those men could persuade themselves that we had a right to protest against the aggressions of France upon South America, after we had not uttered a word of protest against her aggressions upon Spain. At the present moment the colonies belonged de jure to Ferdinand. According to the doctrines advanced by France before she invaded Spain, he was not more out of possession of Mexico than he was out of possession of Madrid. It was to relieve him from the power of the constitutionalists, and to restore him to his legitimate authority in Spain, that French troops were marched into Spain. This pretext was not quarrelled with, and what was there to prevent a similar excuse from being as good in the case of the Spanish Americas as it had been in the case of Old Spain? Besides, it might be asked, had not Ferdinand a right to take back colonies which were undoubtedly his before the commencement of the war? To that question he knew that the right honourable secretary opposite had given a decisive answer. In one of his state state papers he had said, “Time, and the course of events, appear to have substantially decided the separation of the colonies from the mother country." But he would ask, had not "time and the course of events," at the time of the French invasion, more "substantially" decided that the Spanish constitution was the constition of that country? Had it not resisted all the attempts of its assailants, from its establishment in 1820, down to the year 1823? The fact was beyond dispute. Until French gold and French intrigue set up the army of the faith, the constitutional government of Spain was clearly an independent government; indeed, it had been recognized more than once by our own cabinet, and had been more formerly recognized several years before by the imperial autocrat of Russia himself. If we ever went to war to prevent France from taking possession of the former colonies of Spain,there would be an inconsistency in our policy, which ought to be reconciled, but which, in his humble opinion, it would be beyond the wit of mant to reconcile. He knew that he was expressing the hope of every man in the country, when he said that he hoped that the colonies of Spain would never, under any circumstances, return under the dominion of the mother country, (cheers), no matter whether she was to exist under a constitutional government, or an absolute despotism, or whether England, France, or Russia, was to hold the preponderating power in her counsels. He trusted that the inconsistency which he had pointed out in our policy admitted of reconciliation; but whether it could or not, he trusted that we should not neglect our duty to America, although we had grossly neglected it towards Spain. The question, however, with regard to South America, he believed, was now disposed of, or nearly so; for an event had recently happened, than which no event had ever dispersed greater joy, exultation, and gratitude, over all the freemen in Europe-an event in which he, as an Englishman, connected by ties of blood and language with America, took peculiar pride and satisfaction-an event, he repeated, had happened which was decisive on the subject; and that event was the speech and message of the president of the United States to congress. The line of policy which that speech disclosed became a great, a free, and an independent nation, and he hoped that we should be prevented by no mean pride, no paltry jealousy, from following so noble and illustrious an example. He' trusted that as the United States had had the glory of setting, we should have the good taste to follow, the example of holding fast by free institutions, and of assisting our brother freemen, in whatever part of the globe they were found, in placing bounds to that impious alliance, which, if it ever succeeded in bring down the old world to its own degrading level, would not hesitate to attempt to master the new world too. (Cheers.) On this point there was no occasion to have recourse to conjecture as they had facts before them. Ferdinand had been expressly told by the emperor Alexander, that if he would throw off the constitutional fetters by which he was trammelled, he would assist him to recover his trans-atlantic dominions. In this case they would send out no army, they would equip no fleet, they would not appear to take an active part in the struggle; but they would, most assuredly, give assistance, in an underhand and covert manner, to the efforts of the Spanish government. Treasure would be pri vately supplied; arms and ammunition would be sent out, secretly, but in the abundance required to meet the views of Spain; and, above all, that would be done with respect to South America, which had already been successfully practised in the peninsula; bodies of intriguers, amply supplied with money, would be sent out; the priesthood of the country would be found most willing allies in creating suspicion and sowing dissension; and unless an effectual resistance were made (and to expose the danger in the first instance was the most effectual step towards resistance), those colonies would be again brought under the iron rule of the mother country. If the declaration of America did not, as he hoped it would, put an end to those attempts on the independence of the colonies, if a vigorous resistance were not opposed to those machinations, sooner or later their liberties would fall a sacrifice to the intrigues of Spain and of the allied powers. (Hear.) He could have wished that the honourable mover had omitted one expression which had fallen from him in the course of his speech. He alluded to that part in which he spoke of the unfortunate termination of the contest in Spain, and to the little resistance which had been made by the Spanish people. He would not then enter into an inquiry, whether that result was occasioned by the influence of foreign powers, or by the conduct of the people themselves. Undoubtedly, blunders had been committed. The want of a settled constitution, and somewhat of a too scrupulous policy, led men, in a crisis of affairs delicate and critical beyond all previous example, to stand on form, when they should rather have attended to substance; added to this, were the efforts of the priesthood, whose mischievous influence was deeply to be lamented in Old Spain. Of these internal evils, aggravated by external aggression, the liberties of Spain became the victim. (Hear.) With respect to those distinguished individuals who had left that country to avoid the tyranny which they must have experienced had they remained in it, it must be admitted by all parties, that they retired from the contest with hands unstained with blood, and with reputations untainted even by the breath of suspicion. (Hear, hear.) They possessed not resources to save Spain, but they had more than ample resources to save themselves from contumely. (Hear, hear.) Those great men had retired, subject to no charge; but conspicuous for that honest, illustrious, and in this country, he hoped, honoured poverty, which they preferred to wealth, when acquired by an abandonment of principle. (Hear, hear.) He hoped to God that they would find, wherever they went, the same sympathy and kindness which had been extended towards them in Great Britain. They, who had squandered such sums of money on projects that were worse than useless, might well extend the hand of assistance to those highminded men; and he wished and hoped to see the day when they might do justice to their transcendent merits, by treating them in that generous way which their virtue deserved. (Hear, hear.) He begged pardon for detaining the house by addressing them at such length. them at such length. (Hear.) He had, indeed, occupied a much longer time than he at first intended; but he felt so strongly on some of the points introduced by the hon. mover in his speech, that he could not avoid noticing them. He should only add, that the pleasure which he felt at the admission contained in the conclud ing part of the speech, was as great as the gratification he experienced in having discharged his duty by entering his protest against other portions of it. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Canning said, he rose with some degree of diffidence, because he had not previously intended to present himself to the house immediately after the hon. and learned gentleman, in consequence of the impression created by a rumour which he had heard, namely, that it was the intention of some hon. member on the other side to propose an amendment to the address. However, as that intention seemed not to be entertained, and although the hon. and learned gentleman had thown no obstacle in the way of that practical conclusion at which he believed the house would arrive, yet there were some points in his speech, which it would be neither respectful to the house, nor just towards his majesty's government, to pass over in silence. Whatever might have fallen from the hon. seconder, which appeared objectionable to the hon. and learned gentleman, he (Mr. Canning) must request, in fairness, that the whole of his speech should be considered together-that it should not be taken in its separate topics, but should be viewed with reference to the general tenor of the matters under consideration, and to the general state of the country in all its relations. He entirely agreed in the sentiment, that the present was not the moment to consider the best advantage, or with reference to the immediate business of the day, the by-gone question of the policy which had been adopted towards Spain. That question must refer solely to the address carried in the last sessions of parliament-he need not say with how large a majority, or with how general a concurrence of the public voice throughout the country. The policy then recommended had been strictly adopted; and the events which were then in progress had now been brought to a conclusion. It was impossible for the speech from the throne to omit all notice of that subject, and it was equally impossible to have noticed it in a manner less calculated to revive extinguished feelings, or to excite any of those angry emotions to which the introduction of such a topic might be supposed to lead. He was not inclined to follow the criticism of the honourable and learned gentleman, who had gone over the whole speech of the honourable mover; situated as he was, any other person would be more proper to undertake that task than himself; and therefore he should not enter into discussion as to the causes to which were to be attributed the failure of the efforts which had been recently made in Spain. God forbid that he should exult over those who had been discomfited-God forbid that he should utter an unkind sentiment towards those who were now mourning in anguish over their defeated hopes, and whose misfortunes no individual talent, virtue, or exertion, could avert. Undoubtedly, the issue of that contest must have been seen to depend on events and circumstances which no human being could estimate with certainty or confidence. One great consideration was, the degree of support which the existing constitutional system was likely to receive from the feelings and affections of the people of Spainthat people on whom it had always been said so much dependence might be placed. As this country had not any thing to do with the struggleas his majesty's government felt that a strict a strict neutrality was the wisest and best course-he was prevented from stating what the opinion of ministers was with respect to that constitutional system. He was not desirous to point out its defects-he was not desirous to point out its unfitness in many respects for that country -he was not desirous to point out how far it was unsuitable for monarchical and catholic Spain. It had failed; and with its failure a state of things had grown up, respecting which, standing in the situation he then held, he would not utter an opinion. It was however satisfactory to state, that in the contest for its establishment, no British army, no British navy, no British treasure, was employed, So far as this country was concerned, the Spanish people were left to act for themselves. Then came the question, for what purpose were they to have interfered, and to what extent was that interference to proceed? It was not merely necessary that they should send fleets, and armies, and supplies to Spain; but, to have been of use, they must also have carried into that country unanimity, firmness, and confidence-qualities, of all others, which strangers never carried into a state where they were about to employ their arms, (hear)-qualities which, money, fleets, and armies having been supplied, the people must after all, acquire for themselves. (Hear.) Now, if unanimity and confidence, requisites so necessary for carrying on the contest-did not exist, was it possible, even with our assistance, that the effort to establish the constitutional system could have succeeded? or that any thing beyond a protraction of the struggle would have been affected? But the hon. and learned gentleman had connected the affairs of Spain with another question, which was not yet decided; and he confessed that he could not understand how it was possible that this country could raise a barrier against the invasion of South America by a foreign state, unless she was prepared to exert her power against the war which France waged with Spain. But the distinction was very plain. Precisely on the same principle that they determined not to consider the internal affairs of Spain as a fit subject for their interference, they would be justified in preventing foreign powers from interfering with the affairs of the colonies. They must consider the mother country and the colonies, according to the peculiar circumstances of the case; and he must say, that there never was an instance in the history of the world, where the separation of the mother country and the colony had taken place, where a neighbouring state had not a clear right to exercise its judgment on the question of recognition. Undoubtedly the mother country might protest against that recognition; and it was equally clear, that the foreign power while in a state of friendship with the mother country, had no right to give that aid to the colony, which was not recognition, but support and encouragement. It might be difficult to state the point where the period of recognition should commencewhere the recognition would not be connected with previous encouragement, and where to withhold it would be unjust. But when that period arrived, it was not the state in which the mother country then stood that should influence the decision. It must rest on its own peculiar grounds, without taking into consideration whether the constitution of the mother country was a mitigated monarchy, as was the former constitution of Spain, or a monarchy of more |