*** Have these Erika considered the consequences of graniing their petition? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, how shall we be furnished with the commodi. ties their countries produce, and which are so neceffary for us? If we forbear to make slaves of their people, who, in this hot climate, are to cultivate our lands? Who are to perform the common labours of our city, and of our families? Must we not then be our own flaves ? And is there not more compassion and more favour due to us Mussulem than to those christian dogs ?-We have now above fifty thousand Naves in and near Algiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If, then, we cease taking and plundering the infidel ships, and making saves of the seamen and passengers, our lands will become of no value, for want of cultivation; the rents of houses in the city will sink one half; and the revenues of government, arising from the fhare of prizes, must be totally destroyed. And for what? To gratify the whim of a whimsical foct, who would have us not only forbear making more siaves, but even manu mit those we have. But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss ? Will the state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the Erika do it? Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think justice to the slaves ; do a greater injustice to the owners? And if we set our slaves free what is to be doge with them ? Few of them will return to their native countries? they know too well the greater hard/hips they inust therefore be subject to. They will not embrace our holy religion : they will not adopt our manners : our people will not pola Jute themselves by intermarrying with them. maintain them as beggars in our streets ? or suffer our properties to be the prey of their pillage ? for men accustomed to slavery, will not work for a livelihood, when not compelled.–And what is there so pitiable in their present condition ? Were they not slaves in their own countries ? Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states, governcd by despots, who hold all their subjects in Navery, without exception ? Even England treats her failors as slaves, for they are, whenever the government pleases, seized, and confined in thips of war, condemned, not only to work, buc to Sghi for finald wages, or a mere subfiftsnae, vot better

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than our llaves are allowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by their falling into our hands ? No; they have only exchanged one Navery for another ; and I may say a better : for here they are brought into a land where the fun of Inamism gives fouth its light, and shines in full splendor, and they have an opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving their immortal souls. Those who remain at home, have not that happiness. Sending the Naves home, then would be sending them out of light into darkness.

“ I repeat the question, what is to be done with them? I have heard it sugested, that they may be planted in the wilderness, where there is plenty of land for them to subSift on, and where they may flourish as a free state. But they are, I doubt, too little disposed to labour without compulsion, as well as too ignorant to eftablish good governo ment: and the wild Arabs would soon moleft and destroy, or again enslave them.

While serving us, we take care to provide them with every thing; and they are treated with humanity: The labourers in their own countries, are, as I am informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition of most of them is therefore already mended, and' requires 110 further improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They are not liable to be impressed for soldiers, and forced to cut one another's Christian throats as in the wars of their own countries. If some of the religious mad bigots who now tease us with their filly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal, freed their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity that moved them to the action ; it was from the conscious hurthen of a load of sins, and hope, from the supposed merits of so good a work, to be excused from damnation“How grossy are they mistaken, in imagining slavery to be disavowed by the Alcoran ! Are not the two precepts, to quote no more, • Masters, treat your slaves with kindness-Slaves serve your masters with cheerfulness and fidélity,” clear proofs to the contrary ? Nor can the plundering of infide!s be in that 'sacred book forbidden; since it is well known from it, that God has given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it, of right, as fast as they can conquer it. Let us then hear no more of this deteftable proposition, the

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manumission of Christian slaves, the adoption of which would be depreciating our lands and houses, and thereby depriving so many good citizens of their properties, create universal discontent, and provoké insurrections, to the ene dangering of government, and producing general confufion. I have, therefore, no doubt that this wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole nation of true believers, to the whim of a few Erika, and dismiss their petition.”

The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this resolution : “ That the doctrine, that the plundering es and enslaving the Christians is unjust, is at belt proble" matical; but that it is the interest of this state to continue " the practice is clear ; therefore, let the petition be re

jected.”—And it was reje&ted accordingly.

And since like motives are apt to produce, in the minds of men, like opinions and resolutions, may we not venture to predict, from this account, that the petitions to the parliament of England for abolishing the slave trade, to say nothing of other legislatures and the debates upon them, will have a similar conclusion.

March 23, 1790.


By the original law of nations, war and extirpation

were the punishment of injury. Humanizing by degrees, it admitted slavery instead of death : a farther step was the exchange of prisoners initead of slavery: another, to respect more the property of private persons under conquest, and be content with acquired dominion. Why should not this law of nations go on improving ? Ages have intervenec between its several steps : but as knowledge of late increases rapidly, why should not those steps be quickened ? Why should it not be agreed to, as the future law of nations, that in any war hereafter the following description of men Mhould be undisturbed, have the protection of both fides, and be perniitted to follow their employmenis in security ? viz.

1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labour for the fubfiftence of mankind.

2. Filhermen, for the same reason."

3. Merchants and iraders in unarmed ships, who accommodate different nations by communicating and exchange ing the necessaries and conveniences of life.

4 Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns.

It is hardly necessary to add, that the hospitals of enemies should be unmolested—they ought to be assisted. It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of war, and the inducemeuts to it, should be diminished. If rapine be abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken away ;


peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting.

The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas-a Jemnant of the ancient piracy--though it may be accidentally beneficial to particular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorises it. In the beginning of a war fome rich ships are surprised and taken. This encourages the first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels; and many others to do the same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful; arm their merchant ships better, and render them not so easy to be taken; they go also more under the protection of convoys. Thus, while the privateers to take them are multiplied, the vessels subject to be taken, and the chances of profit, are diminished ; so that many cruises are made, wherein the expences overgo the gains; and, as is the case in other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of adventurers are losers, the whole expence of fitting out all the privateers during a war being much greater than the whole amount of goods taken.

Then there is the national loss of all the labour of so many men during the time they have been employed in robbing; who besides spend what they get in riot, drunkenness, and debauchery; loose their habits of industry; are rarely fit for any sober buíiness after a peace, and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and house breakers. Even the undertakers who have been fortunate, are, by sudden wealth, led into expensive living, the habit

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of which continues when the means of supporting it cease, and finally ruins them : a just punishment for having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many honest, innocent traders and their families, whose substance was employed in serving the common interest of mankind.

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Notes copied from Dr. Franklin's writing in pencil

in the margin of Fudge Foster's celebrated argument in favour of the IMPRESSING OF SEA

MEN (published in the foļio edition of his works.) JUD

UDGE Foster, p. 158. " Every Man.”—The concilfion here from the whole to a part, does not seem to be good logic. If the alphabet Tould say, Let us all fight for the defence of the whole; that is equal, and may therefore be jult. But if they should say, Let A, B, C, and D go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and Neep in whole skins : that is not equal, and therefore cannot be just. 15. Employ."

.”-If you please. The word signifies engaging a man to work for nye, by offering him such wä. ges as are sufficient to induce him to prefer my service. This is very different from compelling him to work on such terms as I think proper.

Ib. “ This service and employment, &c.”—These are false facts. His employments and fervices are not the same, Under the merchant he goes in an unarmed vessel, not obliged to fight, but to transport merchandize. In the king's service he is obliged to fight, and to hazard all the dangers of battle. Sickness on board of king's ships is also more common and more mortal. The merchant's fervice too he can quit at the end of the voyage ; not tlic king's. Also, the merchant's wages are much higher.

Ib. “ I am very sensible, &c.”—Here are two things put in comparison that are not comparable ; viz. injury to seamen, and inconvenience to trade. Inconvenience to the whole trade of a nation will not justify injustice to a single

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