tal in promoting those which had originated with other men. About the year 1752, an eminent phyfician of this city, Dr. Bond, confidering the deplorable ftate of the poor, when vifited with disease, conceived the idea of establishing an hofpital. Notwithstanding very great exertions on his part, he was able to intereft few people so far in his benevolent plan, as to obtain subscriptions from them. Unwilling that his scheme fhould prove abortive, he fought the aid of Franklin, who readily engaged in the bufinefs, both by ufing his influence with his friends, and by ftating the advantageous influence of the propofed inftitution in his paper. These efforts were attended with fuccefs. Confiderable fums were fubfcribed; but they were ftill fhort of what was neceffary. Franklin now made another exertion. He applied to the affembly; and, after fome oppofition, obtained leave to bring in a bill, fpecifying, that as foon as two thousand pounds were subscribed, the fame fum should be drawn from the treasury by the speaker's warrant, to be applied to the purposes of the inftitution. The oppofition, as the fum was granted upon a contingency which they fuppofed would never take place, were filent, and the bill paffed. The friends of the plan now redoubled their efforts, to obtain fubfcriptions to the amount ftated in the bill, and were foon fuccefsful. This was the foundation of the Pennsylvania Hofpital, which, with the Bettering-house and Difpenfary, bears ample teftimony of the humanity, of the citizens of Philadelphia,

Dr. Franklin had conducted himself fo well in the office of poft-mafter, and had fhown himfelf to be fo well acquainted with the business. of that department, that it was thought expedi ent to raise him to a more dignified station. In 1753 he was appointed deputy post-master-general for the British colonies. The profits arif ing from the postage of the revenue, which the crown of Great Britain derived from the colo nies. In the hands of Franklin, it is faid that the poft-office in America yielded annually thrice as much as that of Ireland.

The American colonies were much expofed to depredations on their frontiers, by the Indians; and more particularly whenever a war took place between France and England. The colo nies, individually, were either too weak to take efficient measures for their own defence, or they were unwilling to take upon themselves the whole burden of erecting forts and maintaining garrifons, whilft their neighbours, who partook equally with themfelves, of the advantages, contributed nothing to the expence. Sometimes alfo the difputes, which fubfifted between the Governments and Affemblies, prevented the adoption of means of defence; as we have feen was the cafe in Pennsylvania in 1745. To devife a plan of union between the Colonies, to regulate this and other matters, appeared a defirable object. To accomplish this, in the year 1754, commiffioners, from New-Hampfnire, Mafiachufetts, Rhode-Ifland, New-Jerley, Pennfylvania, and Maryland, met at Albany. Dr. Franklin attended here, as a commiffioner from Pennlyl

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vania, and produced a plan, which from the place of meeting, has been ufually termed "The Albany plan of Union." This propofed, that application fhould be made for an act of Parliament, to establish in the colonies a general government, to be administered by a presidentgeneral, appointed by the crown, and by a grand-council, confifting of members chofen bythe reprefentatives of the different colonies; their number to be in direct proportion to the fums paid by each colony into the general treafury, with this restriction, that no colony fhould have more than feven, nor lefs than two reprefentatives. The whole executive authority was committed to the prefident-general. The power of legiflation was lodged in the grand council and prefident-general jointly; his confent being made neceffary to paffing a bill into a law. The power vefted in the prefident and council were, to declare war and peace, and to conclude treaties with the Indian nations; to regulate trade with, and to make purchafes of vacant lands from them, either in the name of the crown, or of the union: to fettle new colonies, to make laws for governing thefe until they fhould be erected in feparate governments, and to raife troops, build forts, fit out armed veffels, and use other means for the general defence: and, to effect thele things, a power was given to make laws, laying fuch duties, impofts, or taxes, as they fhould find neceffary, and as would be leaft bur-, deniome to the people. All laws were to be fent to England for the King's approbation ; and uolefs ditapproved of within three years, were

to remain in force. All officers in the land or lea fervice were to be nominated by the prefidentgeneral, and approved of by the general council; civil officers were to be nominated by the council, and approved by the prefident. Such are the outlines of the plan propofed, for the confideration of the congrefs, by Dr. Franklin. After feveral days' delufion, it was unanimously agreed to by the commiffioners, a copy tranfmitted to each affembly, and one to the King's council. The fate of it was fingular. It was difapproved of by the miniftry of Great Britain, becaufe it gave too much power to the representatives of the people; and it was rejected by every affembly, as giving to the prefident-general, the reprefentative of the crown, an influence greater than appeared to them proper, in a plan of government Intended for freemen. Perhaps this rejection, on both fides, is the ftrongest proof that could be adduced of the excellence of it, as fuited to the fituation of America and Great Britain at that. time. It appears to have fteered exactly in the middle, between the oppofite interefts of both.

Whether the adoption of this plan would have prevented the feparation of America from Great. Britain, is a question which might afford much room for fpeculation. It may be faid, that, by enabling the colonies to defend themselves, it would have removed the pretext upon which the ftamp-act, tea-act, and other acts of the British parliament, were paffed: which excited a spirit of oppofition, and laid the foundation for the feparation of the two countries. But, on the other hand, it must be admitted, that the reftric-.

tion laid by Great Britain upon our commerce, obliging us to fell our produce to her citizens only, and to take from them various articles, of which, as our manufacturers were discouraged, we stood in need, at a price greater than that for which they could have been obtained from other nations, muft inevitably produce diffatisfaction, even though no duties were impofed by the parliament; a circumstance which might still have taken place. Befides, as the prefident-general was to be appointed by the crown, he must, of neceffity, be devoted to its views, and would, therefore, refuse his affent to any laws, however falutary to the community, which had the most. remote tendency to injure the interefts of his fovereign. Even should they receive his affent, the approbation of the King was to be neceffary; who would indubitably, in every inftance, prefer the advantage of his home dominions to that of his colonies. Hence would enfue perpetual difagreements between the council and the prefident-general, and thus, between the people of America and the crown of Great Britain: While the colonies continued weak, they would be obliged to fubmit, and as foon as they acquired ftrength they would become more urgent in their demands, until, at length, they would fhake off the yoke, and declare themselves independent.

Whilft the French were in poffeffion of Canada, their trade with the natives extended very far; even to the back of the British fettlements. They were disposed, from time to time, to establifh pofts within the territory, which the Bri