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world. Your Newton is not forthcoming at have no reverence whatsoever; we would the moment when the chair of Astronomy is remove it out of the path of rational. imvacant, and he appears a year or two after provement like any other antiquated obstrucit is filled by a second-rate man, who may tion. Difficult as the question is, University hold it for twenty years to come. An Adam Reformers and University Commissioners Smith or a Hume passes, with advantage to must address their minds in earnest to its the literary world, from history or political solution, if they mean really to bring into economy to moral philosophy, or vice versa, free play the vast wealth and power of the and it would be hard if in doing so he were Colleges, and to enable them to stand their compelled to forfeit his special chair. Some ground against other institutions, like the great minds, such as Bacon and Leibnitz, London University, which have the means of take a still wider range their proper sphere keeping the best teachers permanently in is the whole field of knowledge, and it would their service. The solution need not take be a great evil to limit them to any part of the form of a sudden and sweeping revolution. it. We had occasion the other day to notice Nor need it at first be the same for all Colthe breaking down of this theory of the ex- leges. Some of them offer a much clearer clusive devotion of Professors to their special and safer ground for an experiment than subject, in the case of the Oxford Profes- others. But something must be done, on soriate. The Oxford Professors of Hebrew pain of leaving the great mass of the Uniand Greek are known to the world only as versity endowments really unavailable for eminent theologians; the Professor of Eccle- the purposes of "religion, learning, and siastical History seems to chafe at the idea of education" in the present day, and allowing being confined to the history of the Church; a movement in which so much energy and the Professor of Latin has as yet only edited labor have been expended to fail of its most Greek plays; the writings of other eminent essential ends. The Oxford Colleges and Professors wander far from the special sub- Commissioners have let the matter pretty jects of their Professorships; and the chair well out of their hands. But the Cambridge of Modern History has long been silent, Commissioners have it still in their power; while the Professor announces a work on and we trust they will vigorously brace themMoral Philosophy. The fact is, men of let-selves to an effort which will make their ters seek these professorships not so much from devotion to the special subject, as from the natural desire to get a permanent position and subsistence in a place of learning; and permanent fellowships, not forfeitable on marriage, would give this position and subsistence in a much easier and more convenient way.

work far more valuable and far more lasting
than that of their Oxford rivals, valuable as
that work is, and lasting as we hope many
parts of it will be.

From The Economist, 14 Nov.
THE LAST OF THE MOGULS.
THE EVILS OF A COUNTERFEIT GOVERNMENT.

We do not disguise from ourselves the THE almost simultaneous dislodgement of difficulties which beset the settlement of this the mutineers from Delhi and Lucknow,—the question from the established constitution of capture of the old Mogul,—the execution of the Colleges, their strong coenobitic character, his sons and grandson,-are events which and even the structure of the buildings on may be said to have extinguished that last which that character is so deeply impressed. shadow of Mahometan Empire which still As to the notion that the introduction of a reminded the primitive inhabitants of India few more families into Oxford or Cambridge that a rule almost as splendid and extensive would affect the morality of the. students, it as the English had once belonged to a race seems to us the most over-strained apprehen- at least naturalised among them, and similar sion in the world. Simple and frugal family in blood and language, though alien in life, such as that of an intellectual man ought religion. A long list of distinguished Engto be, is at least as edifying and improving a lishmen have been sacrificed in the work of spectacle for the undergraduates as the pres- obtaining this end. We call the Mahometan ent lives and habits of bachelor Fellows. dynasty a mere shadow of the past, and truly For the soul-surviving body of monasticism enough, so far as its own inherent energy -the once potent spirit having fled-we and reality is concerned. But over the minds

of the mutineers it must have exercised a the equal hand of British rule. Those who very real and present, if a very capricious so eagerly maintained the necessity of leaving charm, when we see how freely they have native States standing wherever it was pospoured forth their blood in the defence of sible, never advocated leaving the semblance Delhi and the assault on Lucknow,-what of government where all real government racking anxiety, what precious lives, what had been taken away. Scindiah and Holkar, noble, desperate courage they have obliged for instance, though dependents on the British us to spend in conquering them. No com- Government, are not mere shadows; they mander who has done us distinguished ser- are responsible for what they do and leave vice in the field, excepting Sir Henry Hav- undone. But this has long been otherwise elock and General Van Cortlandt alone, are with the Mogul. When 54 years ago, in now left in active command of our English September 1803, General Lake defeated the troops. Lawrence, Wheeler, Nicholson, and French and Mahratta troops near Delhi and Neill are dead; Wilson and Chamberlain entered that city, he restored to a nominal disabled, while others enter into their labors. throne exactly such an aged and decrepit Subordinate English officers and soldiers captive as the English troops captured the have been sacrificed in proportion; one-third of the storming force at Delhi was put hors de combat. In Oude the swarms of mutineers prevent us, as yet, from keeping open the communication with Cawnpore. By numbers alone they have effected all this, it is true; we have been obliged to offer this costly exchange; we have been forced to requité them "gold for brass, what was worth a hundred oxen for what was worth nine." But the very wastefulness of life shown in resisting us betokens, not indeed any attachment on the part of the Sepoys to the Mahometan rule, but a certain fascination in the idea of a revived native dynasty, and a fixed conviction that there must be inherent power even in a mere ceremonial outside of royalty which the English had taken so much pains to respect and perpetuate.

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other day in his fruitless attempt to escape from that throne. Then, however, it was said that "by the restoration of the Mogul Emperor the British acquired the favor of the whole Mahometan interest in India; now we have learned what that favor meant, and how far from grateful for a merely nominal restoration of a puppet to power, they really were. It acted on the native imagination as if it were a kind of involuntary homage on the part of the English to a greatness which we envied, but dared not wholly obliterate. It acted on the English imagination as all shams necessarily act, by teaching us to confound a sober and conservative policy with the mere ostentatious pretence of such a policy.

The eagerness with which we have really cheated ourselves in our treatment of the The natives of India cannot understand Mogul and other native dynasties is well our dislike of the appearance of power, where worth remark. We have so far identified the we possess the reality. They ascribe it to a form of respect for a nonentity with our regreal superstition or timidity on our part, ular British policy, that our Sepoy army took which inspires them with a real superstitious the hint, and made it their first effort to get courage on theirs. We respect the name of the old imperial régime for their nominal the old Dynasty, and they think, therefore, centre and rallying point. This political dexthat the name must in some way be a strong- terity they learned in our school. When in hold in itself to make us thus respect it. It 1804, during Holkar's insurrection, the comhas been a false system on which we have mander-in-chief was under the impression acted in India, to keep up the appearance of that "it was impossible for so small a force deference for sham royalty so long after we [as Colonel Burns'] to defend both the city have withdrawn the actual sceptre. Our of Delhi and the person of the Emperor great Indian Statesmen meant something [poor old Shah Alum], he ordered that the quite different from this when they urged the former should be abandoned, and that the danger of absorbing the native States. They exertions of the garrison should be devoted meant that we ought to leave them respon- solely to the defence of the citadel: "-so sibility as well as power; to let the great a stroke of policy was it thought to native populations feel the sharp contrast be- govern under the nominal authority of the tween the abuses of native government and successor of Aurungzebe. Lord Lake little

foresaw that half a century later the same exactly the same effect on the minds of the stroke of policy would be turned against us. natives, as the ceremonious care with which The belief in this wisdom of shielding them- the British took all their formal powers of selves behind a pageant of apparent authority governing from the hands of the Mogul. The seems to have been rooted very deeply in Hindoos were persuaded in the one case that the Company's mind. Not two years since the English did respect Juggernaut at heart, Lord Dalhousie, in his final minute, writes and, therefore, worshipped him themselves in thus--"Seven years ago the heir-apparent much greater numbers than before. They to the King of Delhi died. He was the last were persuaded in the other case that the of the royal race who had been born in the English did respect the Mogul's authority at purple. The Court of Directors was accord- heart, and, therefore, made it their first obingly advised to decline to recognise any ject to secure that authority for themselves. other heir-apparent, and to permit the kingly The English overacted their part in both title to fall into abeyance upon the death of cases. Who that reads such a report as the the present King,* who even then was a very following-forwarded by a collector to the aged inan. The Honorable Court according- Supreme Government-would doubt that the ly conveyed to the Government of India British authority had a deep reverence for authority to terminate the dynasty of Timour Juggernaut :-" I have the honor to acquaint whenever the reigning King should die. But you that Ram Buksh and Ram Hutgur, as it was found that, although the Honorable pilgrims, presented a serviceable elephant to Court had consented to the measure, it had Juggernaut and 200 rupees for its expenses, given its consent with great reluctance, I ab- which last about six months. The god's essiained from making use of the authority tablishment is six elephants. At or before which had been given to me. The grandson the end of six months it will be necessary for of the King was recognised as heir-apparent, Government either to order the elephant to but only on condition that he should quit the be disposed of, or appoint some fund for its palace in Delhi, in order to reside in the support, should it be deemed advisable to palace at the Kootub, and that he should as keep it for Juggernaut's use."* The prac King receive the Governor-General of India tical effect of such an intellectual self-accomat all times on terms of perfect equality." modation to the religious atmosphere of India This great, and we may say weak, delicacy on on the part of the English Government, was the part of the Honorable Court, and the to increase immensely the idolatrous fervor condition of perfect equality, as between the of the Hindoos. And who can doubt but King of Delhi and the Governor-General of that the spirit indicated above in Lord DalIndia, read now somewhat ludicrously. The housie's reference to the Honorable Court's truth is, that the policy of our Indian Govern- tenderness for the Mogul, must similarly very ment has often aimed at far too great astute- greatly have increased the traditional reverness, and has neutralised its own purposes. ence in Hindoos and Mahometans for the It has inspired the people of India with a real Mogul's name and state? We call him at respect, commensurate with its own apparent home a puppet and a shadow, but we acted respect, for an empty title. It has actively our part of deference with such dramatic ferfostered the superstition under the veil of vor, as to increase the feeling which we inwhich it desired to lie hid. tended to use as a mere blind. We believe that all such shams are really quite as injurious in India as at home. The Hindoos easily suspect in us a superstitious homage and timidity which they themselves actually feel. It is a good and generous policy to leave some real power, so long as it is even tolerably exercised, in the hands of native princes. But to make a parade of respect where there is no authority, is to cherish a gross superstition we ought cordially to fight against.

The only parallel to this policy was the old system of patronising the Hindoo idolatries, which the British Government apparently adopted almost entirely from the same motive as that which induced them to use the Mogul as a catspaw for governing India. They believed about as much in the Mogul as they did in Juggernaut; yet the interest with which the Government collectors used formerly to report to the Governor-General accessions to the wealth of Juggernaut, had *Bahadah Shah, the old King just captured.

Parliamentary Papers, 1813,-quoted in Calcutta Review for March, 1852.

We must assume courageously the power and | No aspiration after liberty, after nationality, responsibility we really exercise, or we shall after new forms of knowledge or new forms again, perhaps, have to sweep away these of art, has thrilled the German public mind "phantom-kings" at the same terrible sacri- which has not been shared by Frederick fice of English blood, as that we have just William; and it has always been shown to poured out upon the altar of the Great the Germans, by some demonstration or Mogul. other, that he too was a German even as they.

From The Saturday Review.
THE PRUSSIAN REGENCY.

on a throne.

It is impossible not to ask, and it would be absurd to try to refrain from asking, why We know that an Englishman who eulo- a monarch so rarely gifted, and so largely gizes a reigning King is always suspected by endowed with the qualities which attract afhis fellows of innate flunkeyism, or of some fection, should have ended his reign with so sinister object; and, on the other hand, we little honor at home and such scanty respect have never had the slightest respect for abroad. The explanation is not far to seek. that frame of mind which chooses the mo- Frederick William has been eminently the ment after a man's death to say about him wrong man in the wrong place. His situaan infinity of good which the eulogist never tion has been the most unfavorable that can could have dreamed of saying during his be conceived for a man of great susceptibillifetime. The situation of the King of ity and quick impulses. He has been placed Prussia, whose life is likely to be prolonged, so high that every fleeting phase of mind, but who, from the nature of his complaint, and all the ebbs and flows of temper, have will never probably again exercise regal au- always been watched by a thousand envious thority, gives us a good opportunity for eyes, and commented on by a thousand gosspeaking of him as he deserves to be spoken siping tongues; and his authority has been of in a country towards which he has always so great that he has been able to act at entertained the warmest affection. There is once on his speculations, and to give instant no conspicuous personage of the day about effect to his passing moods. If his actions whom vulgar opinion in England is so thor- had been more under extrinsic control, and oughly in the wrong. No more accomplished if his character had not been so much of the gentleman than the King of Prussia ever sat nature of public property, he might have Learning is common enough gone down to posterity as a great scholar, a in Germany, and therefore it is not a very great wit, and a warm-hearted and sympa rare distinction in the pupil of Niebuhr and thetic patriot. But, as it was, the good in Schleiermacher that he is known to be one him has mostly been turned to evil. His of the best informed men of the age. But erudition, however appreciated by the letfrom the Tyrol to the Eyder, wit is a scarce tered circles of Berlin, has gained him commodity; and it' is therefore something among that idle and frivolous German aristhat Frederick William has always been re-tocracy which unfortunately does so much to markable for saying the best things that are said in a language which does not easily lend itself to pleasantry. The religion of kings is apt to be regarded on the Continent as an appendage of their state, and a mere instrument of political Conservatism; but no one, even of those who disliked the form of doctrine to which he attached himself, ever denied the depth and spirituality of the King of Prussia's piety. He has always, too, been characterized by sympathies for which it is to be feared that a great part of Germany has much more respect than for religious fervor. His 'pulse has vibrated in unison with every one of the great movements which of late years have run through his country.

form European and English opinion on the affairs of the Continent, a reputation for pedantry not unlike that which blinds us to the really remarkable attainments of our own James I. Observers of another class have misunderstood his abundant humor and geniality; and to them we owe the calumny with which his name has been most frequently associated in England. But Frederick William has suffered most from the false position in which a man whose sensibilities are easily wrought upon is placed by the possession of very great, if not quite absolute, power. Born to less conspicuous dignity, and more controlled by circumstances, he would have lived down many changes of

sentiment which, carried out into action, have | dulness of Francis of Austria, and the downinvested his domestic and foreign policy with right idiocy of his successor, would have the appearance of lamentable inconsistency. been equally unsuccessful. The late Czar It is not given to quasi-despotic kings to Nicholas, though he had a striking mental "rise on stepping-stones of their dead selves organization-and though as the French to higher things." They are only too free actress said, Sa Majesté avait diablement la to act on the feelings of the moment; and physique de son métier-would have been when these feelings succeed each other rap-out of place in Northern Germany. Perhaps idly, the result is exactly that contradiction a man not very learned, not very brilliant, in outward conduct which the generality of but with perfect honesty, a firm purpose, and men disdain. The King of Prussia has al- a frank straightforwardness, is most likely ways been keenly alive to the grandeur of to steer the vessel through those ugly and his position as the descendant of Frederick difficult straits. Victor Emmanuel of Sarthe Great, and as the inheritor of the mon-dinia, though far from a model of intellectual archy which Frederick re-founded with his or ethical perfections, is nevertheless besword. The conception of his kingdom as lieved to answer this description on the a sort of camp long made him cold to free whole; and we have a satisfaction in being institutions; but yet he could not remain in- able to say that the same characteristics are sensible to the yearning of Germany for attributed by general rumor to the Prince liberty, and the combination of two contra- who has just assumed the reins of governdictory impulses produced that grotesque ment in Prussia. If he has only good sense political establishment-the Estates of Prus- and directness, he will bequeath a throne sia-which all Europe smiled at, and the not more stable than august to a successor Revolution of 1848 overturned. In that who will already have given pledges to convery year, 1848, he could not escape the stitutional liberty by allying himself with the contagion of enthusiasm for a united Empire. Royal line of England. Thus he schemed at Frankfort for an Imperial Crown, hesitating to grasp it from dislike of losing Prussia in Germany, and at last accepted it so much too late that nothing was left to him except to resign it with undignified haste. Every turn of his policy by which he lost credit abroad, may be explained in the same way; nor need we hesitate to admit that some of the finest qualities of our nature distinguish the warm admirer of England who threw himself during the last war into the arms of the Emperor of Russia, and the patron of the Evangelical Alliance who refused to let his censors proscribe the Leben Jesu of Strauss, and who suffered his own closet to become the harbor of the Ultra-Lutheran re-action.

From the Spectator, 7 Nov. THE RENEWED PARIS CONFER

ENCE.

Before

IN due course we shall probably have a bundle of papers comprising the protocols of the renewed Conference in Paris. these papers are published, we shall have a semi-official announcement of the arrange ment for the future government of the Danubian Principalities-the subject which will chiefly, though perhaps not exclusively, engage the supplemental Conference. When the papers arrive, we shall have some data for conjecturing the motives which will have determined the Powers to make the intended arrangement; that is, we shall have so much Though the days of Télémaque are gone of the data as the Plenipotentiaries can be by, and an article ought not to take the form brought to rescue from each other's instinct of an essay on the education of Princes, we of suppression-a protocol consisting only of may venture to say that the qualities which so much truth as any given number of diplowould be most useful in a monarch who has matists can unanimously agree to unveil. to conduct a country like Prussia through By that time the future government of the the transition-period between subjection and Principalities will be settled past recall. liberty are neither the best nor the worst of Meanwhile, we English, and other nations those which enter into human character. The King of Prussia has failed through an idiosyncracy in which there was much to admire, and more to love; but the homely

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who have a certain interest in the subject, are amused by a variety of anticipative assu ances; and the inhabitants of the Principali ties, the very persons who are most immedi

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