minister1 of Goodrich, near Ross, in Herefordshire; where he had an estate, too, of about 100%. a year. He suffer'd very often and much for the royal cause in the Civil Wars, and died before the Restoration. He left behind him six 5 sons (he had had ten) and four daughters. The poetical connexions in his family are uncommon: his own wife was the famous Mr. Dryden's aunt'; and his second son marry'd the eldest daughter of Sr William Davenant.8 No less than five of his sons (Godwin, William, Dryden, Jonathan, and Adam), chiefly to avoid the troublesomeness and persecution of the fanatics, quitted England, and settled in Ireland.10 Godwin, the eldest of them, was a counsellor 11; and all the other four were attornies. Ireland was then almost destitute of lawyers 12, the Civil Wars having made almost every body soldiers. Godwin 13, in particular, succeeded there so well, that he got an estate of 30007. a year by the law; tho' he lost it all again, in his latter days, by being a dupe to projectors. Of the others, Jonathan had marry'd a lady of the family of the Erics 14; a very antient (and formerly a very considerable) family in Leicestershire. He died in two years after his marriage 15, and his widow, who was then big of her second child (and who had only an annuity of 201. a year settled upon her before she and her husband left England), was very kindly receiv'd by Counsellor Swift into his family 16 in Dublin, where she was deliver'd of her second child Jonathan 17 (after wards the famous Dr Swift) on St. Andrew's day, 1667. Her former child was a daughter.


The opinion, or rather the whim, of Swift's being a son of S William Temple, must be wholy without foundation 19: his mother having never been out of the English dominions; and S William having been abroad from the year 1665 to 1670.

The nurses in Ireland are remarkable for their love to those they suckle.20 Swift's nurse, who was a native of Whitehaven, in Cumberland, was call'd thither by urgent business, when he was but a year old. She cou'd not bear to part with her foster-child; so stole away privately, and carry'd him with her. The family was for some time without knowing what was become either of 1 Dr. Swift's own account, p. 8. 2 Hawksworth, p. 3. 3 Dr. Swift's own Account, p. 10.

4 In 1658. Ib. p. 28.

5 Hawksworth, p. 3. 7 Dr. Swift, p. 36.

6 Mr. Swift's Essay, p. 12.

8 Ib. 33.

9 Mr. Swift, p. 15. to 21.

10 Dr. Swift's own account, p. 30.

11 Mr. Swift's Essay, pp. 15. to 21.

12 Hawksworth, p. 4.

13 Mr. Swift's Essay, pp. 15. to 21.

14 Dr. Swift, p. 37.

16 Dr Swift, p. 38.

18 Nov. 30.

15 Mr. Swift, p. 22. 17 Mr. Swift, p. 22.

19 Mr. Swift's Essay, p. 77.

20 Dr. Swift's own Account, p. 39., and Mr. Swift's, p. 26.

her or the child. At last, they had an account of them: but they did not oblige her to bring him back to them, till they had been there for three years. Their apprehensions for him made them defer this his second voyage, till he was four; tho' the nurse's eagerness had made her overlook the much greater danger, when he was but one.

Two years after his return to Ireland [1673], he was sent to the school at Kilkenny; and when fourteen1 [1682], to the College at Dublin. He had no relish for the most usual studies there; employ'd himself in reading history and poetry; and when he came to stand for his Batchelor's degree, was put by it for some time for dulness and insufficiency, and did not obtain it at last [1686] without their entering the opprobrious mark "of its being given him by the uncommon indulgence of the University," in their Register. This disgrace affected Swift so strongly, as to make him apply himself to his studies very closely for several years immediately succeeding it.

About the end of 1688 (possibly on his foreseeing that Ireland wa be the seat of war), Swift quitted that country, and went for some months to his mother, who liv'd at Leicester; and thence by her advice to S William Temple's, at Moor Park, near Farnham, in Surrey. There had been a very great friendship between Sr William's father and Swift's unkle, the Counsellor; and his own mother and Lady Temple were relations. Sr William receiv'd him as handsomely as might be expected from such a friend, and such a man; and when he was sufficiently acquainted with his abilities, no doubt was very glad to invite him to make Moor Park his home.

Swift's chief studies, whilst he resided there (as at the University), were poetry and history, only with the addition of politics; which, as he was with so good a master of them, he might then perhaps follow more than either of the other. Hence his cousin Swift may say, "That he was immerst in politics from the 21st year of his life;' it being the very year after he was twenty-one that he first went to live with Sr William Temple.


About two years after his coming to Moor Park, Swift took a journey into Ireland for the recovery of his health. He had contracted a coldness of stomach, by a surfeit of fruit, before he was twenty. He was troubled with a giddiness; which he 10 prophesied would never leave

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him. As he found, after some time of tryal, this
change of air had not the effect which the physi-
cians had promis'd, he returned to Sr William
Temple's; grew (as he himself modestly words.
it) into some confidence with him, and was often
trusted with matters of great importance. Once
in particular, he was sent by Sr William to the
King at Kensington, where he was obliged to ex-
plain no easy point to his Majesty and the Earl of
Portland. He says, "this was the first time he
had any converse with Courts, and that it helped
to cure him of vanity." He sometimes saw the
King too, at Sheen; and us'd to attend him in
his walks about the garden, when Sr William was
laid with the gout.


Swift seems to have entertain'd a settled resolution (and nobody was more firm when he had once taken a resolution than he) to be an ecclesiastic. King William once offered him to make him a Captain of Horse; and S William Temple would have made him his deputy as Master of the Rolls in Ireland. He declin'd both, and stuck to his first plan.


In 1692, Swift made some visits to Oxford;
enter'd at Hart Hall, now Hertford College 6,
and took his Master of Arts degree in that
In -94, he went again into Ireland.
open reason was to take orders: the hidden
one some differences that had happen'd between
him and S William Temple. Just after this
parting, his aims were so low, that he was de-
sirous of being chaplain to our factory at Lisbon.
However, not long after he had taken orders, Ld
Capel 10 (on the request of his old friend S Wil-
liam) gave him the prebend of Kilroot 11, in the
North of Ireland, and Diocess of Conner 12; worth
about 500l. a year. Swift grew weary of it in a
few months; and at the desire of S William, and
his promising to get him some preferment in
England, he resign'd his prebend in favor of a
poor man that had a large family; and returned
[1695] to Moor Park. After this they grew bet-
ter friends than ever. Swift continu'd with him
to is the end of his life; and Sr William left him a
handsome legacy, and the care and advantage of
publishing his Works.

(To be continued.)


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says: "This disorder pursu'd him, with intermissions of
two or three years, to the end of his life." (P. 48.)
1 His own account, p. 46.
2 Ibid.

5 Mr. Swift, p. 108.

4 Mr. Swift, p. 108.

6 Mr. Swift, p. 31. (see p. 44.)

7 Dr. Swift's own account, p. 47.

5 Dr. Swift's own account, p. 1.

11 Mr. Swift, p. 348.

12 Hawksworth, p. 13.
15 Mr. Swift, p. 85.
14 Dr. Swift's own account, p. 48.

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To halt at this step of my my argument would be to substitute one problem for another. I must therefore give an outline of the career of the almost-forgotten Don Diego Puede-Ser.


James Mabbe, a native of Surrey, was educated Magdalen-college, Oxford-B.A. 1594; M.A. 1598. In 1605 he had the honour to make an oration before prince Henry, and in 1606 was chosen one of the proctors of the University. He was taken into the service of sir John Digby, afterwards earl of Bristol, and accompanied him in one of his embassies to Spain, where he remained many years. Wood calls him a "noted orator and wit of his time"; and he is praised as a translator by Ben. Jonson, John Florio, William Browne, etc. He published the following works under the pseudonym of don Diego Puede-Ser-i. e. Mr. James May-be or Mabbe. 1. The rogue: or the life of Guzman de Alfarache. from the Spanish of Mateo Aleman. London, printed for Edward Blount. 1623. Folio.

8 Mr. Swift, p. 51.

9 Id. ibid.

10 Dr. Swift's own account, p. 47., and Mr. Swift's, Oxford, 1630. Folio. London, 1634. Folio. 2. pp. 60. to 67.

Devout contemplations expressed in two and forty sermons from the Spanish of Ch. de Fonseca. London, 1629. Folio. 3. The Spanish bawd, ex

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To the memorie of M. W. Shake-speare.

Wee wondred (Shake-speare) that thou went'st so soone
From the worlds-stage, to the graues-tyring-roome.
Wee thought thee dead, but this thy printed worth,
-Tels thy spectators, that thou went'st but forth
To enter with applause. An actors art,
Can dye, and liue, to acte a second part.
That's but an exit of mortalitie;

This, a re-entrance to a plaudite.

I. M.

The obvious question is

Who was I. M.? 66 Perhaps John Marston," says Steevens; "Perhaps John Marston," says J. Payne Collier, F.S.A.; "Perhaps John Marston," says Samuel Weller Singer, F.S.A.; "Perhaps John Marston," says the rev. Alexander Dyce.

This unanimity of opinion, and this identity of phrase, suggest the idea that the learned annotators had made no serious efforts to solve the problem. If this inference be admitted, a new conjecture may be advanced without the impu tation of temerity.

As no evidence has been produced in favour of the claims of Marston, there is no need of controversy. I rejoice at the circumstance—so rare in Shaksperean proceedings and shall at once assume that I. M. denotes James Mabbe, alias Don Diego Puede-Ser, de Santa Maria Magdalena.

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pressed in Celestina - from the Spanish. London, 1631. Folio. This translation was made at the request of sir Thomas Richardson. 4. The exemplarie novells of Cervantes in sixe books. London, 1640. Folio. The above were works of much celebrity in Spain, and translated into various languages.- Mabbe was in orders, and became prebendary of Wells. He seems to have passed his latter days as the inmate of sir John Strangways. He died at Abbotsbury, Dorset, about 1642. The exact date cannot be ascertained, as the register of burials has perished, and no other memorial remains. I am indebted for this information to the rev. G. A. Penny, vicar of Abbotsbury.

While Mabbe flourished, and for some years afterwards, the fashion of commendatory verses prevailed. If often the sincere tribute of friendship or admiration, they were as often due to the influence of the publisher, and they promoted the sale of a book as much as it is now promoted by a

favourable review or an attractive advertisement. In support of this theory I might appeal to Humphrey Moseley-but shall call in no other witness than Mabbe and his publisher.

In the year 1623 Edward Blount and Isaac Jaggard acquired the copyright of sixteen inedited plays of Shakspere, and printed all the authenticated plays in one volume folio. Blount was also one of the four stationers at whose charges that renowned volume was printed. He was therefore much interested in its success more so, if we may rely on the evidence now in existence, than any other individual concerned in its production and publication.

The commendatory verses prefixed to the plays are signed Ben. Ionson - Hugh Holland-L. Digges-I. M. Ben. Jonson, as I conceive,

wrote to retrieve his own character: he had been

taxed by the players with envy. The verses of Hugh Holland must have been written soon after 1616, and are therefore out of the question. Leonard Digges and I. M. remain for consideration.

In 1617 Blount published The rape of Proserpine, translated out of Claudian by Leonard Digges; and in 1622 he published Gerardo the unfortunate Spaniard, translated from the Spanish of D. Gonzalo de Cespedes y Meneses by the same Leonard Digges. Here is evidence of a sort of connexion for a period of six years. Now, is it not probable that the verses contributed by Digges to the Shakspere of 1623 were written at the request of Blount? I leave the query to its fate, and pass on to James Mabbe.

The first of the translations made by Mabbe, entitled The rogue or the life of Guzman de Alfarache, was published by Blount. As Mabbe, "whose province it was to correct it," was elsewhere, Blount edited the volume for him. a folio

of 666 pages - and he records his services in two short addresses To the reader.

I wish Mabbe had been in the way, or Guzman out of the way. The text of Shakspere might then have appeared in a less faulty state, and the critics might have been spared a world of perplexity. This remark is an afterthought, and might admit of expansion, but it somewhat interrupts the course of my argument, which I resume.

Does it not now seem probable, or more than probable, that Mabbe should have been applied to by Blount for a contribution to the preliminaries of Shakspere, in return for his editorial services on Guzman, and that the initials I. M. denote James Mabbe? This is no more than circumstantial evidence; but, as it seems to me, almost irresistible.

I must touch on internal evidence. The verses which occur in the translations of Mabbe afford no instances of resemblance to the commendatory specimen, but I have met with a prose paragraph in Guzman which is too curious to be omitted. It is a prize to the hunters after parallel passages.

"It is a miserable thing, and much to be pitied, that such an idol as one of these [a proud courtier], should affect particular adoration; not considering that he is but a man, a representant, a poor kind of comedian that acts his part upon the stage of this world, and comes forth with this or that office, thus and thus attended, or at least resembling such a person, and that when the play is done (which cannot be long) he must presently enter into the tyring-house of the grave, and be turned to dust and ashes as one of the sons of the earth, which is the common mother of us all."

Guzman de Alfarache, Part I. p. 175.

As the above paragraph and the commendatory not but consider the verses to be a reminiscence verses were in the press at the same time, I canof the labours of Mabbe while occupied on the translation of Mateo Aleman-but of this opinion, and of other novel opinions herein expressed, the

ratification must be left to disinterested critics. BOLTON CORNEY.

The Terrace, Barnes, S.W.


When the Brown Bowl is filled for Yule, let the dome or upper half be set on. Then let the Waes-haelers kneel, one by one, and draw up the wine with their reeds through the two bosses at the rim. Let one breath only be drawn by each of the Morrice for his Waes-hael.*

Waes-hael! for Lord and Dame! O! merry be their Dole; Drink-hael! in Jesu's name,

And fill the tawny Bowl: But cover down the curving crest, Mould of The Orient Lady's Breast!

* Waes in this word is sounded Waze.

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Waes-hael! but lift no lid;
Drain ye the Reeds for Wine!
Drink-hael! the milk was hid

That soothed that Babe divine:
Hush'd, as this hollow channel flows,
He drew the Balsam from the Rose!
Waes-hael! thus glow'd the Breast,
Where a God yearn'd to cling
Drink-hael! so Jesu press'd

Life, from its mystic Spring;
Then hush, and bend in reverent sign,
And breathe the thrilling reeds for Wine!
Waes-hael! in shadowy scene,

Lo! Christmas children, we!
Drink-hael! behold we lean

At a far Mother's knee;
To dream that thus her Bosom smiled,
And learn the lip of Bethlehem's Child!

To the Right Honorable the Lordes of his Majes-
ties most honorable Privy Counsell. A true and
briefe relation of Sir Walter Raleigh his late
Voyage to Guiana. By Samuel Jones, preacher
in one of his Shippes called the Flyinge Chud-

Right Honourable

A Comon reporte of his Mate Large Comission to Sir Walter Raleigh, the great expectation

of successe, the importunity of many worthy gentlemen, the good reporte I hearde of Captaine Chudleigh joyn'd with the consideration of my want of imploymt at that time in the churche, (under wh misery I still suffer) were the inducemts that prevailed wh me to undertake so dangerous a

[So many doubts still hang over the second voyage of
Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana-his final and fatal voyage
- that every fresh original testimony respecting it must
be regarded with interest. The following journal is
printed from a contemporary manuscript, kindly commu-
nicated by Sir T. E. Winnington, Bart., and will take its
place among the most valuable of the historical materials
for this important incident an incident not only in the
personal history of Raleigh and King James, but even in
the greater history of our native country. The writer
was the preacher, or chaplain, of the Flying Chudleigh,
or Chidley, or the Flying Joan, as it is more frequently
termed, commanded by Capt. Chidley, or Chudleigh, of the
Devonshire family of that name, and afterwards Sir John.
The ship in which he sailed was a vessel of only 120 tons,
and carried 14 guns. From her size, it was not likely
that she should have taken any very prominent part in
the voyage; but all who were on board must have had
opportunities, some more and some less, of observing what
went on; and it is in that light that the present narra-
tive must be regarded. The writer's feeling was evidently
not friendly to Raleigh; but his means of information
were not the most complete, and in this narrative he was
addressing persons whose favour he was desirous of se-
curing, and whom he knew to be Raleigh's enemies. We
shall be glad to receive any information respecting him.


In Rome, at the Chalice, the Pope does not sip or drink, but he draws through a silver reed or pipe. Nasus is the Ritual name, from váw, to flow.


To wch we set saile fro Plimouth the 12th of June año 1617. We put in againe at Phamouth in Cornwaile, after at Corke in Ireland, where we arrived the 25th of June, and remained till the 19th of August. These delayes, however occasioned, forced diverse younge gentlemen and others to sell their private provisions both of apparell and dyet, to the untimely death of many of them.

The first shippe we gave chase unto at sea we found to be one of London; fro whome nothinge was taken but by mutuall curtesy. The 30th of August we gave chase to a fleet of four or five sayle, but could not gett up wh them, nor knowledge directly what they were.

The next day other foure shippes wch we tooke, and found to be frenchmen & Biscaners. Sir Wal


r Raleigh stayed them two dayes, the reason (as was reported) by cause they were bound for Sivill in Spayne; nothinge was taken fro them by force, only a shallop and fishing seane, for which they were payed and so departed,

At Lancerok, one of the Canary Ilands, we put in, desiringe only water and some other provisions, which yf the inhabitants could parte with, they should be payd for, when we were promised our desires, but so long delayed, that three of our men being basely murthered without doinge any harme to the Ilanders, we retired to our shippes. At Gomera, after some intercourse of messages (they seeing our force) gave us free leave to water, for at first they withstood us.

These passages I the rather relate, bycause they put not only my selfe, but many other gentlemen in a comfortable hope that Sir Walter Raleigh had a certainty of his project, whereof by his many, former delayes we made great doubt: till we sawe these places wherein we receaved such injuries spared: which might, as we thought by our forces, have been easily overcome and ruined. Yet for ought I could perceive their would have beene smale scruple made of surprisinge any Spanish shippinge, for at the Grand Canaryes a Spanish caruel was taken, her men being all formerly fled; her ladinge was for the most part salte, some little wine, and other provisions, whereby it seemed she was bound a fishinge. And about the same time neare the Canaries a Spanish canter, a fish of smale worth, in her some 14 Spaniards, boat of fifteene or sixteene tunnes, laden with all which were set free except one, that desired to accompany us in our voyage, and did, being used as one of our own men, Fre these lands we


made to the Iles of Cap de Verd, in most of the seamen's judgments very impertinently: I am sure to the danger of all, and losse of many men. For by steeringe such uncertaine & unnecessary courses, we were so becalmed, that above a hundred persons, gentlemen most of them, dyed betweene those Ilands and the continent of Guiana.

In which grate mortality I, visitinge as many of the sicke men, in the duty of my ministry, as the occasions of the sea would give me leave, heard sad complaints from many sicke and dyinge gentlemen, of Sir Walter's hard usage of them, in denyinge even those that were large adventurers with bim, such things upon necessity of which there was at that time sufficient store. Others of greate worth, either by birth or place of imployment, of being neglected yf not contemned; of which number was Captain John Piggot, then our Lieutenant Generall, who complained to me thereof on his deathbed, besides divers others that are returned; the truthe of this pointe, Mathew Rogers, dwelling neere Holborne bridge, then Surgeon's mate in the Shippe, can well witnes.

confidence than formerly, intermixinge newe projects, propoundinge often the taking of St. Joseph's in Trinidado, expressing the great conceit of wealth might be there amonge the Spaniards and the undoubted great quantity of tobaccho, but all this while nothing was done. Those that were absent so slightly respected, especially the Landmen, that he would often say for the most of them it was no matter whether ever they returned or no, they were good for nothing but to eate victualls; and were sent to sea on purpose that their friendes might be rid of them; and diverse times propounded to go away and leave them, to which none of the Captaines would ever agree.

Our companies that went up the river, as by the chief gentlemen at their return I was given to understand, arrived near the towne of St. Thomæ the second day of January, where the Captaines desired Captain Kemis first to show them the mine; which Sir Walter had formerly sayd to be three or four miles nearer than the towne, and that then yf the Spaniard withstood them they would vim vi repellere.

During this time Sir Walter himselfe taking a fall in his shippe, being bruised, fell into a dangerous feaver, wherin I visited him (being call'd for by himself). He desired me to pray for him, spake relligiously, and among other things tolde me that it greived him more for the gentlemen than for himselfe, whose estates would be hazarded by his death, yet that he would leave such notes of direction behinde him as should be sufficient for them, which notes neither I nor, for ought I knowe, any man else in the fleet yet sawe.

At Calean, in November last, Sir Walter being somewhat recovered, opened his project for the Mine, which upon the platte he demonstrated to be within three or four miles of the towne Sancti Thomæ, which he knew to be inhabited by the Spaniards, for he seemed oftentimes in my hearinge to doubt whether it were re-enforc'd or no.

Sir Warham St. Leger was nowe made Lieutenant-General, and had he gone up to the towne as I have heard himselfe often say, he had not had particular directions; but in a seeming curtesy Sir Walter had left all things there to his valour and judgement. But God suddenly visiting him with a violent sickness, George Rawley then being Serjant-Major, went up Commander-in-Yet chiefe. Captaine Kemis director for the mine, Sir Walter with four other shippes remaininge at Trinidado neere the maine mouth of Oronoque; of which the shippe wherein I went being one, I there stayed and went not up to the towne.

We parted with those forces that went in discovery of the mine about the middest of December, and heard not of them againe untill the 13th of February followinge; during which time I very seldome heard Sir Walter speake of a mine and when he did it was with farre lesse

This Kemis would by no means yield to, but alledged diverse reasons to the contrary: as that if the town were reinforced, he should open then a mine for the Kinge of Spaine and the like, which not on any terms he would ever be pleased to doe. Diverse reasons like this I not only heard by the gentlemen that returned, but sawe myself under Kemis his hand, in a letter which he wrote from Oronoque to Sir Walter Raleigh at Trinidado, which letter I transcribed, but have not the copy of; yet I think there be of them in London.

During the time of this consultation, our men, ready to repose themselves for that night, were assaulted by the Spaniards from the skirt of a wood, in pursuit of whom they were brought to the towne, almost before themselves knew of it. In which conflict some four or thereabouts of either side were slaine, the rest of the Spaniards quit the town and fled..

The towne being next day their own, and the place as it were in their possession, every man's expectation looked hourly for the discovery of the mine, whilst Captain Kemis minded rather the tobaccho, apparell, household stuffe, and other pillage, often saying these would help yf all failed.

one night, as hath been diverse times related to me by Captain Thornehurst, himself accompanied only with his man, went out privately and brought in some mineral ore, which he cheerfully shewed Captain Thornehurst; but being tryed by a refiner, it proved worth nothinge and was no more spoken of. Hence it was considered that Kemis himself might be deluded, even by Sir Walter Raleigh, in the ore and place. For now the place began to be called in question; newe ways were to be searched; boates were manned with gentlemen, soldiers, and saylors, which should

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