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"These are the wages which these men earn when they are in full employment; but from 1840 until the new Tariff went into operation, they did no work for a fourth of their time, and therefore their pay was less by 25 per cent. than it is given above.

"In the Glass-cutting department, the advance in wages has not been so great, but even there it will amount to nearly 25 per cent. because now they are fully employed, whereas from 1939 to 1842, their work was precarious. Until the Tariff of 1842, we paid our common laborers in the yards but eighty-three cents per day; now they receive one dollar. We are very far within the truth when we assert that wages have advanced in our Glass factories 25 per cent. including

even the Glass Cutters and the common day-laborers D. JARVIS."

The Messrs. Sweeney of Wheeling, Virginia, say:

"We are unable to make the same comparison of wages at specific periods, in our own establishment, for the reason that our business materially differed from that of the Boston Company. We worked our hands but half time, and we paid them in proportion to their work, which was 50 per cent. less than at the present time. Our hands now work full time, are paid as high in proportion as they were then, and we employ as many as our works will admit. It is, therefore, proper to state that our wages have doubled since the passage

of the Tariff of 1842."

Mr. Jarvis, of Brooklyn, testifies that in his extensive establishment, and so far as he knows in the trade generally, the increase of wages has been over 33 per cent., while the average reduction

1840. Males, per week, $4 80 Females,

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66

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in the price of glass-ware to consumers has been, at least, 30 per cent.

Not only have the laborers in the mills laborers, without any skill, also get a received an advance, but the common large advance. In 1842, 43, laborers who got but 50 to 55 cents per day, now get 80 cents, and yet we are told by Mr. Walker, that the laborer is oppressed, and his wages reduced by the Tariff.

A word now of the wages of Factory Labor. The Middlesex Mills at Lowell, Massachussetts, are among the most extensive and profitable works in the Union. They have been as much assailed as unjust to their laborers and exorbitant in their profits as any other. A recent statement shows, that in those mills there are 18 females employed who earn over $4 per week, 57 over $3, and 51 over $2, after deducting the cost of their board. Ditto in the Hamilton Mills. In the Carpet Mills, the wages of 17 females range from 66 cents to $1 16 per day, from which board is to be deducted. Weavers, Dressers and Spinners in the mills under the same direction, earn from 60 to 80 cents per day, from which 20 to 25 cents per day is to be deducted for board, leaving a net average of at least $2 50 per week. Say, if you will, that these prices are inadequate, but do not forget to tell us, if you can, where else in the world than in American Factories Female Labor is so well rewarded as this?

The books of the Merrimac Company, Lowell, mills No. 2 and 3, in which there has been no change of hours, machinery or labor, since they were first established, exhibit the following average rates of wages paid in

1841. $4.92

1842. $5 04

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1844. $5 23

$2.34

$2 22 4-10 do.

1843. $4 76 $1.92 $1.93 $230 $2 16 Month of February, 1843, average rate per week, $1 99 6-10 do. 1846, 66 Let the reader compare these facts with Secretary Walker's assertion that wages have in no case increased but have generally been diminished under the present Tariff, &c. If it be indeed true that the more labor is wanted the less it will be paid, the more employment the less wages-the more the diversity and productiveness of labor the worse its condition and the more meagre its reward,— then Secretary Walker would seem the very man to devise legislation in behalf of the hard-handed producers of wealth.

Let us proceed to consider his next paragraph to that just quoted:

1815.

$5.40 $2.38

"A Protective Tariff is a question regarding the enhancement of the profits of capital. That is its object, and not to augment the wages of labor, which would reduce those profits. It is a question of per centage, and is to decide whether mospecial legislation, yield a profit of ten, ney vested in our manufactures shall, by twenty, or thirty per cent., or whether it shall remain satisfied with a dividend equal to that accruing from the same capital invested in agriculture, commerce, or navigation.”

If this contest is to be decided by naked, broad assertions, we may as well give

it up at once. In that line, no man can be a match for the Secretary. But we point to the facts already stated, the considerations already adduced, in demonstration that the assertions here made cannot be true. Yet we make one more appeal to the common sense of every reader. The assumption here is that the amount of duty on any article governs the profit of the home-producer of that article-that the increase of the duty increases the profit in a corresponding ratio. Now let us suppose that the duty on cotton fabrics be fixed at 200 per cent. and none imported at a lower rate. Suppose that, at the time this duty is imposed, the domestic production is not equal to the wants of the country. Of course, the cotton manufacture will for a time be profitable. But for what time? Suppose the average profit be even twenty per cent., will the manufacturers be allowed to enjoy it for even a single year? Who does not know that there is always capital seeking lucrative investment, and that any opportunity to make unusual profit is eagerly embraced by thousands? If any business is doing remarkably well, the fact cannot be concealed; there are men enough in every great city who can tell you the cost of any fabric within a fraction, and what profit is made on it. Water-power, steam, skill, experience, and every other element of manufacture, are at all times to be had at reasonable rates. Let any branch of business pay a large profit, and instantly thousands prepare to rush into it. Competition (not the duty) promptly regulates prices and profits, reducing the latter to the general average of profits in business generally. Any branch involving greater hazards than others will command a corresponding profit; a requisition of rare skill or capacity involves a corresponding reward. Whether the duty be five or five hundred per cent., the laws of trade will vindicate themselves, putting to shame such statesmanship as the Secretary's. We feel humiliated by the necessity of citing evidence to an American Minister of Finance in support of the self-evident truths we have here enunciated, but we will do so from one of his own witnesses, one of his own school and creed, Mr. Joseph Joslen of Newport, R. I., an eminent Dorrite and Loco-Foco of that State. Secretary Walker has asked:

"9th. Are the commercial, mechanical, manufacturing and navigation interests of

the State so immediately connected with, and dependent upon, the agricultural products and staples, that their profits increase or diminish in the same, or very nearly the same, proportion with them ?"

To which Mr. Joslen sensibly replies:

"These interests, in this State, always tend to an equality of profits with one another, and with agriculture. Pursuits are changed as profits invite. That interest which, for the time being, is more profitable than any other, will for that to become the least so in its turn." reason constantly tend, if undisturbed,

Again in reply to Question 14, respecting the profits of Manufactures:

"The present duties on coarse goods are not necessary for them to operate with profit. The present profits induce so many to embark in the business that it will soon be overdone."

Need we offer another word in confutation of the Secretary's theory?

A single passage more, and we close this too protracted review. Mr. Walker

says:

"At least two-thirds of the taxes imposed by the present Tariff are paid not into the treasury, but to the protected classes. The revenue from imports last dollars. This, in itself, is a heavy tax; year exceeded twenty-seven millions of but the whole tax imposed upon the people by the present Tariff is not less than eighty-one millions of dollars-of which twenty-seven millions are paid to the government upon the imports, and fifty-four millions to the protected classes, in enhanced prices of similar domestic articles."

Although this is sufficiently answered by Mr. Joslen, and by the facts and considerations we have been all along adducing, among Mr. Walker's evidence we find that of Mr. P. T. Jackson, treasurer of the Great Falls Manufacturing Company, Strafford Co., N. H., a very heavy and prosperous concern-who, in reply to the Secretary's questions, gives the prices at which that Company has sold its fabrics in each year since 1840. Now we do not cite the evidence of those interested in manufactures on any point involving general considerations, but on a matter of naked fact like this, we believe no one would distrust them. The following is this Company's prices obtained for goods of uniform quality in each of the last five years, viz:

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Here it is seen (as is notorious in every way) that the lowest prices ever touched by cotton fabrics were those of 1843, when the present Tariff was fully in operation, while the prices of 1845 are below those of 1841, under a Revenue Tariff.

The Uxbridge (Mass.) Company, answer that the description of cotton fabrics they make were sold in 1828 at sixteen, in 1840 at twelve, and now at nine cents per yard.

One more witness-one of the Secretary's own school-Mr. D. C. Judson, Collector of Customs in St. Lawrence County, New York-we will cite. He incloses to the Secretary the answers of certain manufacturers to the questions transmitted, and volunteers this addition of his own:

"D. C. Judson, Esq., in his letter inclosing the above, says that the manufacture of woolen fabrics is increasing in the valley of St. Lawrence, and where

well conducted, with sufficient capital, has been prosperous. Instead of owing their prosperity to the high duties on imported woolens, they have derived very much of their profits from sales in Canada; and the demand there for American woolen fabrics of the common wool, adapted to ordinary wear, is constantly increasing, and at prices affording a fair profit to the manufacturer. The duties to be paid on the entering of them on the Canadian side are equal to about 13 per cent. It is scarcely necessary to say, therefore, that the high duties on woolens are not at all essential to the prosperity of the manufacturer of the article, so far as this locality is concerned."

We are quite willing to leave the Collector's conclusion to bear its own

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weight, since his facts so thoroughly upset the Secretary's rash, mistaken assertions, that the consumers of protected articles are compelled to pay fifty-four millions into the manufacturers' coffers because of the Tariff.

We close with pressing the argumentum ad hominem upon the Secretary. We, certainly, have faith neither in his premises nor his conclusions, but he ought to have. If, then, he believes that the duties on foreign wares and fabrics actually increase by so much, or by half so much, the general price of such articles to consumers, on what principle does he profess to tax iron, sugar, clothing, &c., thirty per cent, with duties somewhat lower on cotton, woolen and silken fabrics, while he allows tea and coffee to come in free of duty? Undeniably, a duty on tea and coffee would tax the consumer only on the articles which paid duties into the Treasury, while, on his calculation, every dollar put into the Treasury by the duties on iron, sugar, &c., takes at least two out of the pockets of consumers of those articles, not to put them into the Treasury, but into the pockets of gorged and overgrown monopolists, enabling them to depress and enslave the labor of the country. Why, then, is the Secretary so recreant to his own principles? Why not take the impost off sugar and iron and put it on tea and coffee, securing an equal income to the Treasury, and (if his premises be sound) saving many millions to our people? Who will tell us which is to be credited-the Secretary's doctrine or his practice-his axioms or his schedules? Does he not stand confounded amid the ruins of his own Babel?

THE PICTURE GALLERY.

BY H. H. CLEMENTS.

I HAVE no recollection of my parents, both having died in my earliest childhood, leaving myself and an elder brother in the care of an uncle. My father was the youngest son of a noble family of great antiquity, who, seduced by the splendid offers of Geo. II., embarked for the western world at the period when the New England States were colonies of Great Britain. My uncle came sometime afterwards with his family, consisting of two sons and one daughter; he arrived just before the Revolution, and being a sordid man, contrived to realize an immense fortune in a manner little creditable to himself, and equally disadvantageous to the tide of events flowing rapidly onwards to overwhelm the latest feeling of royalty, lingering in the bosoms of those, dreading alike the success of either cause, no matter how righteous to the people or favorable to the king. I recollect him as a severe, forbidding man about seventy; entirely indifferent to the interests of his family, or to the promise of his children. (His sons certainly did not require much,) but Olivia, the only daughter, was one of those lovely beings in whose forms angels might be said to make their home; lighting up with virtues its frail and feeble tenement into a shrine for man to worship, and woman to imitate and adore. She was young and beautiful, full of sensibility and tenderness, and as I was then quite a child, she appeared to take a world of interest in my welfare. Between my brother Eugene and her, an intimacy was allowed to exist, but no one dreamed of its ripening into affection. They were companions in childhood, and had in early youth learned to read their future happiness in each other's eyes-all the hopeful prophecies of coming years were interpreted in the first bloom of their young hearts. How unreal were its promises! We know not, until experience forces the conviction upon us, how much our happiness depends upon others; nature designed it should be with ourselves-man decrees otherwise. The tender affinities of affection spring from psychological causes alone, and the im

pious hand that would thwart them, interrupts that scheme of God's benevolence, which traverses all space in its flights, and lives the visible token of man's divinity on earth and his hope in heaven.

Just before I was sent away to school Olivia's father died, and left her the heiress of half his immense fortune, to be divided on her marriage. This circumstance, fortunate as it may be deemed, set in motion all that dark machinery of guilt which a rich man's death provokes, and suspends the sword of fate over its innocent inheritant.

Of my eldest cousin I have no remembrance; but the appearance of the youngest comes back upon me in the dim lapse of intervening years, with a reality too real. He was a little, mean-looking man, distant and austere in manners, with cold, cruel gray eyes-had a stooping figure-a plodding, rustic air-was quite deaf, and withal an inveterate bachelor, which, considering his personal accomplishments, may be a matter of surprise to all young belles loitering in the highway of matrimonial uncertainty. wards this man I ever felt an instinctive abhorrence, which was, as far as my observation went, fully reciprocated: to be sure, it never run into the extreme of violence, but whenever we met, it was with mutual repulsion; and I was heartily glad when the time arrived for my leaving home for school, if for no other reason than that of dividing the degrees of love and distance between us.

To

For the first three years I constantly corresponded with Eugene, informing him of my progress in the dead languages, (dead enough at present,) and recounted all my future hopes and wishes to him alone. In point of interest his letters were greatly heightened by their variable tone; they were sometimes gay and lively, and then on the contrary, he seemed plunged into the lowest depths of despair and misery. At last his letters ceased coming altogether; and from that hour to this I have never heard the remotest tidings of his fate.

I remained at school six years, and

underwent all the degrees of suffering and neglect, always so visible in the fruitful experiences of elementary studies; and considering the amount of starving, beating and freezing, it is marvelous how rapidly I progressed. It is probably to be attributed to the liberal allowance of each, that I was finally dismissed as a promising young student.

On my return home, my first inquiry, as may naturally be supposed, was for Eugene and my cousin Olivia; but without any satisfaction. Olivia, I was informed had two years previous embarked for Europe with her brother, and shortly after, Eugene also disappeared, whither no one knew. Finding all my efforts to gain intelligence of his whereabouts unavailing, my interest in his fate partially subsided, though at times the mystery pierced me like a drawn dagger, goading me into the most horrible suspicions. Year after year chased each other down the steep of time, and I became a wanderer. I had been on the Continent of Europe, and returned to London more restless and dissatisfied than I had ever been. One thought only now absorbed my whole being. To find my brother I was determined, if he were above ground: to such an extent did this intention possess me, that I was driven into the wildest excesses and most lawless adventures. Once in Belgium, I broke through an entire file of grenadiers who opposed my entrance to a Petites Maison, where some vague suspicion led me to suppose my brother was confined. Again, I effected entrance into a prison in France, and in leaving it was shot at as a fugitive convict; the ball shattered my elbow, and notwithstanding the severity of the wound I escaped uncaptured. How much I suffered He who holds the boundless mysteries of our being in His keeping only knew! and now, in the decline of life, when I recollect my sufferings it appears wonderful that death or distraction did not release them.

I wandered to Italy, and mused amidst the "sacred relics of almighty Rome." Down the vista of a thousand years strode "the noblest Roman of them all," the imperial Cæsar, followed by the sage who loved not Cæsar less, but Rome more." Imagination peopled the air with all the horrors perpetrated in the name of liberty, and once again throned their idol on a monument in mockery of her sacred name. The vision changed! A wolf run howling by me baying the

midnight breeze-the scent of blood, fresh from the bosom of some victim of the Triumviri, still, methought, walks the wind. Thy hungry jaws find no succor in the palace of the Cæsars now! Dig deeply, there may be a carcass left! These were the idols the modern world have taught us to worship. Imitators in arts, and barbarians in arms-ignorant of civil liberty-despots in power, and destitute of civilization and chivalry— with a history that is but an epitome of greatness, and only remarkable from their love of conquest-they offer a suggestive homily upon the destiny of empires when unsustained by the humanizing effect and the peaceful inculcations of Christianity. Their religion was an ethnic idolatry, retrogressive in spirit and aim. That of Greece a progressive and poetic heathenism, which gradually fulfilled, to some extent, the promise of the Messiah in the refinements of peace and in all the peaceful inculcations implied in his divine mission. I made a pilgrimage to Athens. Fair and fruitful mother of all that is ideally beautiful in art and poetry, how art thou fallen? To the east yonder rises Mount Hymettus, with Illissus bathing her storied base. Thy murmurs might well be mistaken for the hum of bees gathering their sweets upon thy classic brow. Above, you see the gymnasia of the Cynosargus. Stop! here is a holy incarnation from the bosom of Pentellicus, by Phidias, and within the walls of yonder t melody in marble," hangs a breathing canvas warmed to life by Zeuxis; here is a Venus, by Parrhasius; yonder, in the Temple of Ceres, is a statue of Praxiteles. Read this inscription "The glory of Euripides has all Greece for a monument." What barbarians thus to bespatter with praise a mere poet? had he been a cut-throat it might have been deserved. Out upon them!

Lysippus says, in one of his Comedies, "Whoever does not desire to see Athens is stupid; whoever does it without being delighted is more stupid; but the height of stupidity is to see it, to admire it, and to leave it." I might fairly be accused of the whole aggregate of these charges, for I felt all in turn, and returned to London in disgust.

In the heart of mighty London, surrounded by all the noisy tokens of an age to which it holds no relationship, stands an old dilapidated portion of what was once a princely habitation. Centuries

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