On another occasion we will lay before the readers of the Review somewhat analogous statements of manufacturing and mechanical industry, each of which adds such large amounts annually to the wealth of the country, and furnishes a basis upon which to calculate the amount of revenue that, in a given contingency, can be raised for the support of Government.

We close these preliminary statements, for this month, with saying briefly that the effect of the last European advices, by the Hibernia, was so favorable to the pacific views, that all the stocks advanced very considerably; and although there has since been some little reaction-as people take time to consider whether in reality the state of affairs is materially changed or improved-the advance has been substantially maintained.

The demand for bread-stuffs, whichunder the impression of great deficiency in

GOVERNMENT SECURITIES.

Off'd. Ask'd. U. S. Loan, 6 per cent., 1862, 107 108 Do. 5 66 1853, 99 99

the English markets-was expected to be great, is languid, since it was ascertained that the crop in England will not be much below an average.

The cotton crop of this year will fall below that of last year in quantity; but the prices now ruling are so much above those of the last year, that the money result to the producer will be, at least, as large.

In conclusion, it is to be stated that the apprehension of war still exercises an unfavorable influence upon the money market, and upon commercial enterprise. Capitalists hoard their money, and merchants hesitate about embarking in distant enterprises. The effect of this state of things must continue until our political relations assume some positive aspect.

The annexed quotations were the prices of the principal stocks in the New York market, January 30th.

New Jersey RR. & Trans. Co. Mohawk & Hudson RR. Co.

Do. 5

1858, 99 100

Do.

1860, 99 100

Boston, par a discount.

DOMESTIC EXCHANGES.

Philadelphia, par a discount.

Baltimore, para discount.

Virginia, a 14 discount.

a 14 discount.

Charleston, a discount.

Savannah, a discount.

Mobile check, par a discount.

notes,a 1 discount.

New Orleans checks, par a discount.
notes, a 1 discount.
Nashville, 2 a 2 discount.
Louisville, 1 a 13 discount.
St. Louis, 1 a 14 discount.

Cincinnati, 1 a 14 discount.
Apalachicola, 1 a 3 discount.

FOREIGN EXCHANGES.

108 a 108

5.27 a 5.264

39 a 39

354

78 a 78

WE Commence again our Tables of Foreign Miscellany, and shall continue them from month to month, without interval. We shall be able to present many matters of great interest and importance from many countries; and this is expected to be hereafter one of the most attractive portions of the journal.

The past month has brought us news of stirring events from various parts of the world. Another revolution has occurred in Mexico, a country apparently fruitful in nothing else. The previous one seemed to be the revolt of the people against the armed tyranny of a military dictator. This has been effected by the army, yet, so far as appears, with the full consent of the people themselves. But the truth is, the people had nothing to do with either; or, to speak still more accurately, there is no such power as that of the people in Mexico. The country, so far as it is ruled at all, is ruled by the sword; and the only struggle that is likely soon to arise, is between one military leader and another. Santa Aña, though at the head of the army, and one of the ablest Generals Mexico has ever had, owed his overthrow to the tyranny which had, not oppressed the people, but alienated his troops. The army turned against him, and the people stood by and applauded. His successor was a statesman, not a general. He thought it better for his country to remain at peace than to plunge into a war, of which her own destruction must be the issue. He preferred to expend what money he could raise in improving the condition of the people, to wasting it upon useless and idle soldiers. He was for peace with the United States, for the potent reason, if no other had existed, that he was unable to make war against them. The troops, on the other hand, were for war, because it would increase their pay. Their rebellion was flattered and cherished by a leader, either skillful and ambitious himself, or the tool of others who are so, and when the time had come, he pronounced against the government. The army responded to his declaration, and the people, as usual, had nothing to say. Paredes, therefore, is now at the head of the Mexican Government. He is placed there by the army, to gratify its desire for war, or at all events, to increase the pay of the troops to the

actual service standard. Of course, all this has been done under the most energetic professions of patriotism, and of a supreme regard for the good of the nation. Paredes, in his manifesto, dated the 15th of December, declares that the object of his movement is: 1, to obtain a popular representation; 2, to rescue the government from the hands of factions; 3, to restore to the producing classes the wealth and influence they have lost; and 4, to give to the laboring classes the position in the State that belongs to them. When the Assembly which is to effect these results shall have been convened, he declares his intention either to retire to private life, or to ask the privilege of marching to the frontier to meet the usurpers of the territory, and the enemies of the independence of Mexico. These professions are sufficiently vague to conceal any design he may entertain; while he cannot be expected, judging from established precedents, to remember his promises after they shall have answered the purpose for which they were made. At the latest dates from Mexico, our Ambassador, Mr. Slidell, had not been received as Minister. We can see, therefore, no approach to peace in any of the recent proceedings of the Mexican Govern

ment.

Rumors have reached this country from Havana that a project was on foot to secure the future tranquillity and integrity of Mexico, by placing upon the throne a European prince, the form of government to be changed to that of a constitutional monarchy, and the stability of the government to be guarantied by the united powers of France and Great Britain. The report is scarcely sufficiently authentic to challenge serious attention, though it has been made to play a part in the debates of the Senate of the United States. That portion of the late Message of the President, in which the interference of European powers with the affairs of the independent States of this continent was pronounced inadmissible, has excited general attention, and elicited warm discussion, in both England and France. There seems to be no difference of opinion whatever, in these countries, upon the subject. The doctrine is rejected, as at war with established international law, and as, in the last degree, arrogant on the part of the United States. It is explicitly declared by the most authoritative

journals of both countries, that America will not be allowed to claim any exemption from the general law upon this point, that various European powers have large possessions upon the Western Continent, and that intervention in the affairs of the American States would be justifiable in the same circumstances, and upon the same conditions which justify it in the affairs of the Eastern World. Resolutions are now before Congress, reaffirming the doctrine of the Message. It is not unlikely that they will be adopted; and, in that event, the United States will occupy a position precisely antagonistic to that of the leading powers of Europe.

American affairs have, of late, attracted a remarkable degree of attention in England and France. The receipt of the Message, in the last week of December, gave occasion for endless comment and speculation. Public expectation had been so highly excited, in regard to the claims which the message would put forward, especially in regard to Oregon, that when it arrived, it seems rather to have fallen short of, than to have surpassed, the anticipations of the public. It excited, therefore, especially in England, very little angry feeling. The taunting-we must say, uncalled-for and unwise-allusions which it makes to the defeat of French intrigue sustained in the triumphant annexation of Texas to the American Union, created, in Paris, a great deal of bitterness. The Debats especially, the French official, repelled them in the most angry and vehement terms, and extended its denunciation to the entire foreign policy of the American Union. It gives us distinctly to understand that, in the event of war between us and England, we must not hope for French alliance or even sympathy but that the interests and the feelings of the French will impel them to espouse the cause of Great Britain against the encroachments, and the overweening ambition, of their Trans-Atlantic rivals. In the course of its discussions, it makes allusion to the extraordinary increase which is now going on in the armaments of Great Britain; and says that France had taken umbrage at it, mal-à-propos. From this observation, we observe, Senator Cass has inferred that France has demanded of England the object of these extensive hostile preparations: and that the answer returned proved entirely satisfactory to the government of France. From this the inference is very natural that this answer indicated the United States, instead of France, as the object of these belligerent demonstrations. The opinion of this distinguished senator, upon a point of this nature, is certainly entitled to great weight; but we confess, that without his aid, we should never have discovered, in the expression cited, so full and so important a meaning, as he has given

to it. The opposition papers of France have not failed to use the message as a weapon of attack upon the Ministry. The omission in the King's speech of any, the slightest, allusion to this country, and the unusual warmth with which he speaks of the friendly relations subsisting between France and England, have given still farther cause of offence to the Anti-English and Anti-Ministerial party. In the Chambers, however, the Ministry, on the elec tion of President, had the very decided majority of 30.

The English papers abound in discussions of the Oregon question. Their general tone seems to us pacific-that is to say, they evince an earnest desire to renew negotiations upon the subject, and a willingness even to concede what, hitherto, they have constantly and firmly refused, in order to a peaceful settlement of the controversy.

The past month has witnessed a singular disturbance of the English ministry. Owing to causes which have not yet been satisfactorily explained, Sir Robert Peel, with all his associates, threw up the seals of office, and Lord John Russell attempted to fill his place and form a cabinet. The last design proved to be beyond his power; and he accordingly withdrew, giving place again to the premier and the ministry who had resigned in his favor. This strange proceeding was in some way connected with the corn laws. Lord John Russell had recently avowed himself in favor of their total repeal, rather in consequence of existing exigencies than upon general principles of political economy. With his usual promptness to catch the popular breeze, Sir Robert Peel determined to bring forward the repeal as a ministerial measure in the House of Commons, the Duke of Wellington doing the same in the House of Lords. Subsequently, however, the Duke is said to have changed his mind; and thereupon Sir Robert resolved to resign, in which he was followed by all his cabinet. This statement ascribes the disrupture to a disagreement between Well. ington and Peel; and yet they acted together in every case, the Duke going out with Sir Robert, and just as promptly taking office with him on his restoration. The explanation is thus unsatisfactory, though it is the only one that has yet been given. The failure of Lord John Russell's attempt to form a cabinet is involved in similar doubt. Mr. T. B. Macaulay, speaking for the Whigs, says distinctly that "all their plans were frustrated by Lord Grey;" and other reliable accounts attribute the event to Lord Grey's refusal to accept office in the cabinet if Lord Palmerston should have charge of the Foreign office, on the express ground that the appointment of the latter would endanger the peace of the world.

are.

It seems, however, far more likely that Lord John Russell found he could not command a majority in either House of Parliament, and that he could not, therefore, in any event, carry on the government. What course the restored ministry will pursue with regard to the corn laws, can only be matter of vague conjecture. It seems clear, however, that they cannot remain as they The scarcity of food in Great Britain, the progress of free trade sentiments, and the increased power of public opinion, will combine to force upon the government, no matter in whose hands it may rest, if not the free admission of foreign grain, the abolition of the sliding scale and a very decided reduction of existing duties. From the tone of the British journals, it is evident that such a measure, should it finally be adopted, would be regarded as a boon to the United States, in return for which it is supposed we should very gladly abate something of our demands in Oregon. It is not unlikely that the same views may prevail at Washington; nor is it impossible that, however unwise, the Oregon dispute may finally be settled upon this basis. Our own opinion is, that even the total repeal of the corn laws would be of no benefit to the agricultural interests of this country, so far as those grains are concerned which are raised by us in common with the graingrowing regions of continental Europe. We might, and probably should, supply the British market with Indian corn; but nearly all their supplies of wheat would come from the fertile countries which surround the Black and the Baltic seas. It may not be without interest to state that the highest number of votes which have been given in the present House of Commons for a repeal of the corn laws is 125, the highest number for the substitution of a moderate fixed duty is 226; while the principle of the existing law has received the support of 349. In the House of Lords the highest number of votes for the repeal is only 6.

There is nothing else in the political events of the month in England and France worthy of attention.

In the continental countries out of France, nothing has transpired of great importance. The visit of Nicholas, Emperor of Russia, to Rome, and his interview with Pope Gregory XVI., have excited some attention. In former times, in the palmy days of the Romish Church, when the word of a Pontiff gave law to monarchs and his frown caused thrones to tremble, the proudest kings have been repelled by the reproof of the Pope from the threshhold of the sacred city. Even Attila, with his savage cohorts, was turned from Rome by the curse of Leo. The visit of Nicholas, who, as the imperial head of the Greek Church, has visited the Catholics within

his dominions with the severest persecutions, was the occasion of great rejoicing in the Imperial City. The Pope, it is said, bore himself with a dignity and courage worthy the best days of his wide dominion. At the first interview between them, he led the conversation to religious matters, and urged the Emperor to revoke certain edicts which have severely oppressed the Catholics of both Russia and Poland. His manner is described as having been firm, severe, affectionate and profoundly melancholy. His request was received with the greatest favor, and the best results are confidently predicted. It is reported that the Emperor protested his entire ignorance of the injuries complained of, and promised that the matter should receive his prompt attention.

In Prussia, King Frederic William IV., was laboriously endeavoring to form a satisfactory Constitution. The great difficulty to be encountered lies in the mutual jealousies of the several states, and in their common dislike of anything like consolidation. In Spain, the Congress of Deputies was in session at the latest dates. The Election of Committees, so far as it had taken place, indicated that the government would have overwhelming majorities. Its proposed modification of the Tariff, the chief object of which is to render it more protective, it is supposed will meet with strenuous opposition. The Cortes of Portugal were to meet on the 2d of January.

A royal decree has been issued, creating a commission for the formation of new civil and penal codes. Great attention had been drawn to a bazaar held by the ladies of Lisbon, for the benefit of orphan asylums. It was patronized by the highest personages of the kingdom, and its collection was rich in the specimens of royal industry. A revolutionary plot has been recently discovered in Tuscany, the object of which was the invasion of the Roman States. Some of the troops were concerned in the affair, and of one battalion twenty had fled upon the discovery of their project. A law has been enacted in Belgium, fixing the contingent of the army, for 1846, at 80,000 men: and another admits a certain quantity of coffee from Dutch colonies, at a reduced rate of duty, and provides for the admission of tobacco upon more favorable terms than hitherto. The Commercial Treaty with the United States was ratified unanimously. The King of Sweden has authorized the construction of railroads in his dominions. The principal lines will be from Stockholm to Gottenburg, Stockholm to Istad, and Stockholm to Upsal and Gefle, with various branches.

From the remote East we have intelligence of the greatly increased probability that the British army will speedily bring the Punjaub within the British dominions:

that a very strong effort will be made to evade the fulfillment of existing treaties with China, and thus retain the Island of Chusan; and generally of the gradual but certain and irresistible progress of the British domination over the whole of Central Asia. Persia seems to be tottering to its fall. With few exceptions, of which Tabriz, Teheran and Schiraz are the most prominent, all its cities have been almost depopulated. Even Ispahan, once the magnificent capital of this great kingdom, offers now little more than a mass of ruins. The government is in the hands of selfish tyrants, and the monarch Mohammed Schah is capable of few enjoyments except that of gluttony, and is not only reckless of the welfare of his subjects, but ignorant of everything pertaining to the duties of his high place. In intellect he is described as almost an idiot. The provinces are all impoverished; the influence which the Persian kings once had over the affairs of Central Asia has disappeared; and the kingdom is evidently in the last stages of its existence. An extensive conspiracy against the Grand Vizier has recently been detected at Teheran. Syria is still in commotion. Fresh engagements have taken place between the Christians and Turks, in which, so far as we can gather, the latter were successful. The Consuls of the Five Powers find great difficulty in agreeing upon a policy to be pursued, as each has particular political views of his own which can only be advanced through encroachments upon the others.

Of Scientific and Literary matters we have not much to say. Great interest has been excited by the discovery of a new Planet in our solar system. It was observed at Berlin, on the 14th of December, by Mr. Hencke, and by Professor Schumacher, at Altona, subsequently. It belongs to the family of the four small planets, or asteroids, and has been named Astræa by Mr. Hencke. Mr. South, of the English Observatory at Kensington, has published several communications upon the subject in the London Times, in one of which we find the following elements of the new planet, as given in a letter from Schumacher from observations by Mr. Hencke: "Epoch of mean latitude, 1846, Jan. 0, at 0 hour, 89 degrees, 32 minutes, 12 seconds 1-10th; longtitude of perihelion 214 degrees, 53 minutes, 7 seconds; longitude of ascending node, 119 degrees, 44 minutes, 37 seconds 5-10ths; inclination, 7 degrees, 42 minutes, 8 seconds 4-10ths; eccentricity, 0,207993; logarithm of semi-axis major, 0,42144; daily mean motion in longitude, 827 seconds 65-100th; periodic time, 1565 days."

The phenomena of Magnetism are attracting great attention in England, and Mr. Robert Hunt, who has been for some

time engaged in experiments upon the subject, has published some curious results which he has attained. By placing a glass trough on the poles of a powerful magnet, and filling it with any fluid from which a precipitate is slowly forming, it is found that the precipitate arranges itself in the magnetic curves. Crystallization, taking place under the same circumstances, exhibits also the influence of magnetism on the molecular arrangements. This influence, so far as appears from Mr. Hunt's experiments, is universal.

Accounts of the British Polar Expedition, under Sir John Franklin, have been received up to the 10th of August. The ships were then on the north coast of Greenland, where they intended to winter. A voluminous and very interesting correspondence has recently been published, between the illustrious Cuvier and his intimate friend Pfaff. It is said to embrace not only scientific subjects but literature, politics and the occasional topics of the day. A collection of letters, addressed by D'Alembert, to the great Swedish chemist, George Brandt, has also been discovered at Stockholm.

Great interest has been excited by the discovery of a manuscript history of the French Revolution, by the illustrious Niebuhr. It is passing through the press under the supervision of a son of the historian.

A German artist, Herr Koenig, has commenced a series of designs, intended to illustrate the Life of Luther and the history of the Reformation. He is a devoted admirer of the great Reformer, and has studied each event of his eventful history with the utmost enthusiasm. The designs are to be about forty in number, and are described, by those who have seen them, to be most beautifully composed.

The celebrated astronomer, Bessel, was dangerously ill at Köningsberg, at the latest dates.

The religious reformation of Ronge seems to have been for a time at least checked, by his quarrel with Czerski. The two have separated, and the followers of the latter, who are comparatively few in number, have drawn up a petition to the King, in which they profess their adherence to the apostolic creed, and complain of the confession of Leipzig as mere human tradition and unsound. They pray to be recognized under the title of the "Christian and Apostolic Catholic Communion." A curious illustration of the tyranny, and the cowardly compromise between toleration and persecution, which prevail in Prussia, has grown out of this religious movement. It seems that a distinguished geographer, Herr Lowenberg, had prepared a map of the Religions and Confessions of the Prussian monarchy-its pur