ordered it to be covered with the richest robe | she was suffocated. Notwithstanding, there is he had; and that being stolen, he put the thief a letter from Brutus to his friends still extant, to death. The ashes of Brutus he sent to his in which he laments the death of Porcia; and mother Servilia.

With regard to Porcia, his wife, Nicolaus the philosopher, and Valerius Maximus,* tell us, that being prevented from that death she wished for, by the constant vigilance of her friends, she snatched some burning coals from the fire, and shut them close in her mouth till

complains that their neglect of her must have made her prefer death to the continuance of her illness. So that Nicolaus appears to have been mistaken in the time, at least, if this epis tle be authentic; for it describes Porcia's distemper, her conjugal affection, and the manner of her death.

DION AND BRUTUS COMPARED.

where others failed, he happily repaired the error. But it was wrong in Brutus to hazard a second battle, where all was at stake." And when that battle was lost, he had neither sagacity enough to think of new resources, nor spirit, like Pompey, to contend with fortune, though he had still reason to rely on his troops, and was absolute master at sea.

WHAT is principally to be admired in the lives | mented his death, and were implacably enragof Dion and Brutus, is their rising to such im- ed against his assassins. Dion, on the contra portance from inconsiderable beginnings. But ry, was reproached by the Syracusans for sufhere Dion has the advantage; for, in the pro-fering Dionysius to escape, and not digging up gress of glory, he had no coadjutor: whereas the former tyrant's grave. Cassius went hand in hand with Brutus; and With regard to their military conduct, Dion, though in the reputation of virtue and honour as a general, was without a fault: he not only he was by no means his equal, in military ex-made the most of his own instructions, but, perience, resolution, and activity he was not inferior. Some have imputed to him the origin of the whole enterprise, and have asserted, that Brutus, would never, otherwise, have engaged in it. But Dion, at the same time that he made the whole military preparations himself, engaged the friends and associates of his design. He did not, like Brutus, gain power and riches from the war: he employed that wealth But what Brutus is chiefly blamed for was on which he was to subsist as an exile in a for- his ingratitude to Cæsar. He owed his life to eign country, in restoring the liberties of his his favour, as well as the lives of those prisonown. When Brutus and Cassius fled from ers for whom he interceded. He was treated Rome, and found no asylum from the pursuit as his friend, and distinguished with particular of their enemies, their only resource was war; marks of honour; and yet he imbrued his hands and they took up arms as much in their own in the blood of his benefactor. Dion stands defence as in that of the common liberty. Dion, clear of any charge like this. As a relation of on the contrary, was happier in his banishment Dionysius, he assisted and was useful to him in than the tyrant that banished him; and yet he the administration; in which case his services voluntarily exposed himself to danger for the were equal to his honours. When he was freedom of Sicily. Besides, to deliver the Ro-driven into exile, and deprived of his wife and mans from Cæsar, and the Syracusans from his fortune, he had every motive that was Dionysius, were enterprises of a very different just and honourable to take up arms against kind. Dionysius was an avowed and establish- him. ed tyrant; and Sicily, with reason, groaned beneath his yoke. But with respect to Cæsar, though, whilst his imperial power was in its infancy, he treated its opponents with severity; yet, as soon as that power was confirmed, the tyranny was rather a nominal than a real thing: for no tyrannical action could be laid to his charge. Nay, such was the condition of Rome, that it evidently required a master; and Cæsar was no more than a tender and skilful physician appointed by Providence to heal the distempers of the state. Of course the people la

Yet if this circumstance is considered in another light, Brutus will have the advantage. The greatest glory of both consists in their abhorrence of tyrants, and their criminal measures. This, in Brutus, was not blended with any other motive. He had no quarrel with Cæsar; but exposed his life for the liberty of his country. Had not Dion been injured, he had not fought. This is clear from Plato's epis tles; where it appears, that he was banished from the court of Dionysius, and in consequence of that banishment made war upon him. For the good of the community, Brutus, though * Valerius Maximus speaks of her fortitude on this an enemy to Pompey, became his friend; and occasion, in the highest terms. Tuos quoque castissi-though a friend to Cæsar, he became his enemos Ignes. Portia, M. Catonis filia cuncta secula de-my. His enmity and his friendship arose from bita admiratione prosequentur: Qua cum apud Phi- the same principle, which was justice. But lippos victum et interemptum virum tuum Brutum cognoscere, quia ferrum non dabatur, ardentes ore Car- Dion, whilst in favour, employed his services bones, haurire non dubitasti, muliebri spiritu virilem patris exitum imitata. Sed nescio an hoc fortius quod, ille usitato, tu novo genere mortis absumpta est. Val. Max. 1. iv. c. 6.

This censure seems very unjust. The wavering disposition of Cassius's troops obliged him to come to a second engagement.

for Dionysius; and it was not till he was disgraced that he armed against him. Of course, his friends were not quite satisfied with his enterprise. They were apprehensive that when he had destroyed the tyrant, he might seize the government himself, and amuse the people with some softer title than that of tyranny. On the other hand, the very enemies of Brutus acknowledge that he was the only conspirator who had no other view than that of restoring the ancient form of government.

municated to many associates, of whom not one deceived the leader; for either he had the power of distinguishing honest men at the first view, or such as he chose he made honest, by the confidence he reposed in them. But Dion confided in men of bad principles; so that he must either have been injudicious in his choice: or, if his people grew worse after their ap pointments, unskilful in his management Neither of these can be consistent with the talents and conduct of a wise man; and Plato accordingly, blames him in his letters, for mak ing choice of such friends as, in the end, were his ruin.

Besides, the enterprise against Dionysius cannot be placed in competition with that against Cæsar. The former had rendered himself contemptible by his low manners, his drun- Dion found no friend to revenge his death; kenness, and debauchery. But to meditate the but Brutus received an honourable interment fall of Cæsar, and not tremble at his dignity, even from his enemy Antony; and Cæsar alhis fortune, or his power,-nor shrink at that lowed of that public respect which was paid name which shook the kings of India and Par- to his memory, as will appear from the fol thia on their thrones, and disturbed their slum-lowing circumstance. A statue of brass had bers; this shewed a superiority of soul, on which fear could have no influence. Dion was no sooner seen in Sicily than he was joined by thousands; but the authority of Cæsar was so formidable in Rome, that it supported his friends even after he was dead. And a simple boy rose to the first eminence of power by adopting his name; which served as a charm against the envy and the influence of Antony. Should it be objected that Dion had the sharpest conflicts in expelling the tyrant, but that Cæsar fell naked and unguarded beneath the sword of Brutus, it will argue at least a consummate management and prudence to be able to come at a man of his power, naked and unguarded. Particularly when it is considered that the blow was not sudden, nor the work of one, or of a few men, but meditated, and com

been erected to him at Milan, in Gallia Cisalpina, which was a fine performance, and a striking likeness. Cæsar, as he passed through the town, took notice of it, and summoning the magistrates, in the presence of his attendants, he told them, that they had broken the league, by harbouring one of his enemies. The magistrates, as may well be supposed, denied it; and stared at each other, profoundly ignorant what enemy he could mean. He then turned towards the statue, and, knitting his brows, said, " Is not this my enemy that stands here?" The poor Milanese were struck dumb with astonishment: but Cæsar told them, with smile, that he was pleased to find them faithful to their friends in adversity, and ordered that the statue should continue where it was.

ARTAXERXES.

mildness, something gentle and moderate in his whole disposition. The latter married a beautiful and virtuous lady, by order of his parents, and he kept her when they wanted him to put her away. For the king having put her brother to death, designed that she should

THE first Artaxerxes, who of all the Persian Cyrus from his infancy was of a violent and kings was most distinguished for his modera-impetuous temper; but Artaxerxes had a native tion and greatness of mind, was surnamed Longimanus, because his right hand was longer than his left. He was the son of Xerxes. The second Artaxerxes, surnamed Mnemon, whose life we are going to write, was son to the daughter of the first. For Darius, by his wife Parysatis, had four sons: Artaxerxes the eldest, Cyrus the second, and Ostanes and Oxathres the two younger. Cyrus was called after the ancient king of that name, as he is said to have been after the sun; for the Persians call the sun, Cyrus. Artaxerxes at first was named Arsicas,† though Dinon asserts that his original name was Oartes. But though Ctesias has filled his books with a number of incredible and extravagant fables, it is not probable that he should be ignorant of the name of a king at whose court he lived, in quality of physician to him, his wife, his mother, and his children.

*So called on account of his extraordinary memory.
Or Arsaces.
Or Oarses.

Teriteuchmes, the brother of Statira, had been guilty of the complicated crimes of adultery, incest, royal family, and ended in the ruin of all who were and murder; which raised great disturbances in the concerned in them. Statira was daughter to Hydarnes, governor of one of the chief provinces of the empire. Artaxerxes, then called Arsaces, was charmed with her beauty, and married her. At the same time Teriteuchmes, her brother, married Hamestris, one of the of which marriage he had interest enough, on his fadaughters of Darius, and sister to Arsaces: by reason ther's demise, to get himself appointed to his government. But in the mean time he conceived a passion for his own sister Roxana, no ways inferior in beauty to Statira; and, that he might enjoy her without con|straint, resolved to despatch his wife Hamestris, and light up the flames of rebellion in the kingdom. Darius being apprized of his design,sengaged Udiastres, an

he remembered only the indignity of chains: and, in his resentment, aspired more than ever after the sovereignty.

Some, indeed, say, that he thought the al

fore revolted from his king. But this is a foolish pretext: for if he had no other resource, his mother would have supplied him with whatever he wanted out of her revenues. Besides, there needs no greater proof of his riches than the number of foreign troops that he enter

share his fate. But Arsicas applied to his mother with many tears and entreaties, and, with much difficulty, prevailed upon her not only to spare her life, but to excuse him from divorcing her. Yet his mother had the greater affec-lowance for his table insufficient, and there tion for Cyrus, and was desirous of raising him to the throne; therefore, when he was called from his residence on the coast, in the sickness of Darius, he returned full of hopes that the queen's interest had established him successor. Parysatis had, indeed, a specious pretence, which the ancient Xerxes had made use of attained in his service, which were kept for him the suggestion of Demaratus, that she had brought Darius his son Arsicas when he was in a private station, but Cyrus when he was a king. However, she could not prevail. Darius appointed his eldest son his successor; on which occasion his name was changed to Artaxerxes. Cyrus had the government of Lydia, and was to be commander-in-chief on the coast. Soon after the death of Darius, the king, his successor, went to Pasargadæ, in order to be consecrated, according to custom, by the priests of Persia. In that city there is the temple of a goddess who has the affairs of war under her patronage, and therefore, may be supposed to be Minerva. The prince to be consecrated must enter that temple, put off his own robe there, and take that which was worn by the Great Cyrus before he was king. He must eat a cake of figs, chew some turpentine, and drink a cup of acidulated milk. Whether there are any other ceremonies is unknown, except to the persons concerned. As Artaxerxes was on the point of going to be consecrated, Tissaphernes brought to him a priest, who had been chief inspector of Cyrus's education in his infancy, and had instructed him in the learning of the Magi; and therefore might be supposed to be as much concerned as any man in Persia, at his pupil's not being appointed king. For that reason his accusation against Cyrus could not but gain credit. He accused him of a design to lie in wait for the king in the temple, and, after he had put off his garment, to fall upon him and destroy him. Some affirm that Cyrus was immediately seized upon this information; others, that he got into the temple, and concealed himself there, but was pointed out by the priest, in consequence of which he was put to death; but his mother, at that moment, took him in her arms, bound the tresses of her hair about him, held his neck to her own, and by her tears and entreaties prevailed to have him pardoned, and remanded to the sea-coast. Nevertheless, he was far from being satisfied with his government. Instead of thinking of his brother's favour with gratitude, intimate friend of Teriteuchmes, to kill him, and was rewarded by the king with the government of his province. Upon this some commotions were raised by the son of Teriteuchmes; but the king's forces having the superiority, all the family of Hydarnes were apprehended, and delivered to Parysatis, that she might execute her revenge upon them for the injury done, or intended, to her daughter. That cruel princess put t them all to death, except Statira, whom she spared, at the earnest entreaties of her husband Arsaces, contrary to the opinion of Darius. But Arsaces was no sooner settled upon the throne, than Statira prevailed upon him to leave Uriastres to her correction; and she put him to a death too cruel to be described. Parisates, in return, poisoned the son of Teriteuchmes; and, not ong after, Statira herself. Ctes. in Pers.

in various parts by his friends and retainers: for, the better to conceal his preparations, he did not keep his forces in a body, but had his emissaries in different places, who enlisted foreigners on various pretences. Meanwhile his mother, who lived at court, made it her business to remove the king's suspicions, and Cyrus himself always wrote in a lenient style; sometimes begging a candid interpretation, and sometimes recriminating upon Tissaphernes, as if his contention had been solely with that grandee. Add to this, that the king had a dilatory turn of mind, which was natural to him, and which many took for moderation. At first, indeed, he seemed entirely to imitate the mildness of the first Artaxerxes, whose name he bore, by behaving with great affability to all that addressed him, and distributing honours and rewards to persons of merit with a lavish hand. He took care that punishments should never be embittered with insult. If he receiv ed presents, he appeared as well pleased as those who offered them, or rather as those who received favours from him; and in conferring favours, he always kept a countenance of benignity and pleasure. There was not any thing, however trifling, brought him by way of present, which he did not receive kindly. Even when Omisus brought him a pomegranate of uncommon size, he said, "By the light of Mithra, this man, if he were made governor of a small city, would soon make it a great one." When he was once upon a journey, and people presented him with a variety of things by the way, a labouring man, having nothing else to give him, ran to the river, and brought him some water in his hands. Artaxerxes was so much pleased that he sent the man a gold cup and a thousand darics. When Euclides, the Lacedæmonian, said many insolent things to him, he contented himself with ordering the captain of his guard to give him this answer, "You may say what you please to the king; but the king would have you to know, that he can not only say, but do." One day, as he was hunting, Tiribazus shewed him a rent in his I do with it?" " Put on another, and give that robe; upon which the king said, "What shall to me," said Tiribazus. "It shall be so," said the king: "I give it thee, but I charge thee not to wear it." Tiribazus, who, though not a bad man, was giddy and vain, disregarding the restriction, soon put on the robe, and at the same time tricked himself out with some golden ornaments, fit only for queens. The court expressed great indignation; because it was a thing contrary to their laws and customs: but the king only laughed, and said to him, I allow thee to wear the trinkets as a woman, and the robe as a madman."

None had been admitted to the king of Per-"that faith which you pledged? Where your sia's table but his mother and his wife; the for- intercessions, by which you saved the man that mer of which sat above him, and the latter be- was conspiring against his brother? Have low him: Artaxerxes, nevertheless, did that they not brought war and all its calamities honour to Ostanes and Oxathres, two of his upon us?" These expostulations fixed in the younger brothers. But what afforded the Per- heart of Parysatis, who was naturally vinsians the most pleasing spectacle was the queen dictive and barbarous in her resentment and Statira always riding in her chariot with the revenge, such a hatred of Statira that she curtains open, and admitting the women of the contrived to take her off. Dinon writes, country to approach and salute her. These that this cruel purpose was put in executhings made his administration popular. Yet tion during the war; but Ctesias assures us, there were some turbulent and factious men, it was after it. And it is not probable that he, who represented that the affairs of Persia re- who was an eye-witness to the transactions of quired a king of such a magnificent spirit, so that court, could either be ignorant of the time able a warrior, and so generous a master as when the assassination took place, or could Cyrus was; and that the dignity of so great an have any reason to misrepresent the date of it; empire could not be supported without a prince though he often deviates into fictitious tales, of high thoughts and noble ambition. It was and loves to give us invention instead of truth. not, therefore, without a confidence in some We shall therefore leave this story to the orof the Persians, as well as in the maritime pro- der of time in which he has placed it. vinces, that Cyrus undertook the war.

He wrote also to the Lacedæmonians for assistance; promising, that to the foot he would give horses, and to the horsemen chariots; that on those who had farms he would bestow villages, and on those who had villages, cities. As for their pay, he assured them it should not be counted, but measured out to them. At the same time he spoke in very high terms of himself, telling them he had a greater and more princely heart than his brother; that he was the better philosopher, being instructed in the doctrines of the Magi, and that he could drink and bear more wine than his brother. Artaxerxes, he said, was so timorous and effeminate a man that he could not sit a horse in hunting, nor a chariot in time of war. The Lacedæmonians, therefore, sent the scytale to Clearchus, with orders to serve Cyrus in every thing he demanded.*

Cyrus began his march against the king with a numerous army of barbarians,† and almost thirteen thousand Greek mercenaries. He found one pretence after another for having such an armament on foot; but his real designs did not remain long undiscovered. For Tissaphernes went in person to inform the king of them.

While Cyrus was upon his march, he had accounts brought him that the king did not design to try the fortune of the field by giving battle immediately, but to wait in Persia till his forces were assembled there from all parts of his kingdom. And though he had drawn a trench across the plain ten fathoms wide, as many deep, and four hundred furlongs in length, yet he suffered Cyrus to pass him, and to march almost to Babylon.† Tiribazus, we are told, was the first who ventured to remonstrate to the king, that he ought not any longer to avoid an action, nor to abandon Media, Babylon, and even Susa to the enemy, and hide himself in Persia; since he had an army infinitely greater than theirs, and ten thousand Satrapa and other officers, all of them superior to those of Cyrus, both in courage and conduct.

Upon this he took a resolution to come to action as soon as possible. His sudden appearance with an army of nine hundred thousand men, well prepared and accoutred, extremely surprised the rebels, who, through the confidence they had in themselves, and contempt of their enemy, were marching in great confusion, and even without their arms. So that it was with great difficulty that Cyrus reduced them to any order; and he could not do it at last without much noise and tumult. As the king advanced in silence, and at a slow pace, the good discipline of his troops afforded an astonishing spectacle to the Greeks, who expected amongst such a multitude nothing but disorderly shouts and motions, and every other instance of distraction and confusion. He They took care not to mention Artaxerxes, pre- shewed his judgment, too, in placing the strongtending not to be privy to the designs that were carry-est of his armed chariots before that part of ing on against him. This precaution they used, that in case Artaxerxes should get the better of his brother, they might justify themselves to him in what they had done. Xenoph. de Expedit. Cyri. 1. i.

This news put the court in great disorder. Parysatis was censured as the principal cause of this war, and her friends were suspected of a private intelligence with Cyrus. Statira, in her distress about the war, gave Parysatis the most trouble. "Where is now," she cried,

A hundred thousand barbarians.

Clearchus, the Lacedæmonian, commanded all the Peloponnesian troops, except the Achæans, who were led by Socrates of Achaia. The Boeotians were under Proxenes, a Theban; and the Thessalians under Menon. The other nations were commanded by Persian generals, of whom Ariacus was the chief. The fleet consisted of thirty-five ships, under Pythagoras, a Lacedæmonian; and twenty-five commanded by Tamos, an Egyptian, who was admiral of the whole fleet. On this occasion Proxenes presented Xenophon to Cyrus, who gave him a commission amongst the Greek mer

cenaries.

his phalanx which was opposite to the Greeks, that by the impetuosity of their motion they might break the enemy's ranks before they came to close combat.

Many historians have described this battle; but Xenophon has done it with such life and energy that we do not read an account of it; we see it;-and feel all the danger. It would be very absurd, therefore, to attempt any thing

• Xenophon says, this trench was only five fathoms wide, and three deep.

†There was a passage twenty feet wide left between the trench and the Euphrates, and Artaxerxes neglect

ed to defend it.

after him, except the mentioning some material | shalt lose thy head, before thou canst see the circumstances which he has omitted.