town, one named Nicon, striving to take up his master who was fallen off wounded, rushed against the party that was retreating; and overturned both friends and enemies promiscuously, till he found the body. Then he took it up with his trunk, and carrying it on his two teeth, returned in great fury, and trod down all be called Cylarabis,* with great noise and loud shouts, which were echoed by the Gauls; but he thought their shouts were neither full nor bold, but rather expressive of terror and distress. He therefore advanced in great haste, pushing forward his cavalry, though they marched in danger, by reason of the drains and sewers of which the city was full. Before him When they were thus pressed and sides, in this nocturnal war, it was impossible either to see what was done, or to hear the orders that were given. The soldiers were scattered about, and lost their way among the narrow streets; nor could the officers rally them in that darkness, amidst such a variety of noises, and in such strait passages; so that both sides continued without doing any thing, and waited for daylight. At the first dawn Pyrrhus was concerned to see the Aspis full of armed men; but his concern was changed into consternation, when among the many figures in the market-place he beheld a wolf and a buil in brass, represented in act to fight. For he recalled an old oracle which had foretold, "That it was his destiny to die when he should see a wolf encountering a bull." The Argives say, these figures were erected in memory of an accident which happened among them long before. They tell us, that when Danaus first entered their country, as he passed through the district of Thyreatis, by the way of Pyramia which leads to Argos, he saw a wolf fighting with a bull. Danaus imagined that the wolf represented him, for being a stranger, he came to attack the natives, as the wolf did the bull. He therefore stayed to see the issue of the fight, and the wolf proving victorious, he offered his devotions to Apollo Lyceus, and then assaulted and took the town; Gelanor, who was then king, being deposed by a faction. Such is the history of those figures. Pyrrhus, quite dispirited at the sight, and perceiving at the same time that nothing succeeded according to his hopes, thought it best to retreat. Fearing that the gates were too narrow, he sent orders to his son Helenus, who was left with the main body without the town, to demolish part of the wall, and assist the retreat, if the enemy tried to obstruct it. But the person whom he sent, mistaking the order in the hurry and tumult, and delivering it quite in a contrary sense, the young prince entered the gates with the rest of the elephants and the best of his troops, and marched to assist his father. Pyrrhus was now retiring; and while the market-place afforded room both to retreat and fight, he often faced about and repulsed the assailants. But when from that broad place he came to crowd into the narrow street leading to the gate, he fell in with those who were advancing to his assistance. It was in vain to call out to them to fall back: there were but few that could hear him; and such as did hear, and were most disposed to obey his orders, were pushed back by those who came pouring in behind. Besides, the largest of the elephants was fallen in the gate-way on his side, and lying there and braying in a horrible he stopped those who would have got out. And among the elephants already in the *Cylarabis was a place of exercise near one of the gates of Argos. Pausan, manner, crowded together, not a man could do any thing singly, but the whole multitude, like one close compacted body, rolled this way and that all together. They exchanged but few blows with the enemy either in front or rear, and the greatest harın they did was to themselves. For if any man drew his sword or levelled his pike, he could not recover the one or put up the other; the next person, therefore, whoever he happened to be, was necessarily wounded, and thus many of them fell by the hands of each other. Pyrrhus, seeing the tempest rolling about him, took off the plume with which his helmet was distinguished, and gave it to one of his friends. Then trusting to the goodness of his horse, he rode in amongst the enemy who were harassing his rear; and it happened that he was wounded through the breast-plate with a javelin. The wound was rather slight than dangerous, but he turned against the man who gave it, who was an Argive man of no note, the son of a poor old woman. This woman, among others, looking upon the fight from the roof of a house, beheld her son thus engaged. Seized with terror at the sight, she took up a large tile with both hands, and threw it at Pyrrhus. The tile fell upon his head, and notwithstanding his helmet, crushed the lower vertebræ of his neck. Darkness, in a moment, covered his eyes, his hands let go the reins, and he fell from his horse by the tomb of Licymnius. The crowd that was about him There is something strikingly contemptible in the fate of this ferocious warrior.-What reflections may it not afford to those scourges of mankind, who, to extend their power and gratify their pride, tear out the vitals of human society!-How unfortunate that they do not recollect their own personal insignificance, and consider, while they are disturbing the peace of the earth, that they are beings whom an old woman may obscure fate of Charles the Twelfth, or the following kill with a stone!-It is impossible here to forget the verses that describe it: On what foundation stands the warrior's pride, And shews his miseries in distant lands. Condemn'd a needy suppliant to wait, did not know him, but one Zopyrus, who served under Antigonus, and two or three others coming up, knew him and dragged him into a porch that was at hand, just as he was begin ning to recover from the blow. Zopyrus had drawn his Illyrian blade to cut off his head, when Pyrrhus opened his eyes, and gave him so fierce a look, that he was struck with terror. His hands trembled, and between his desire to give the stroke, and the confusion he was in, he missed his neck, but wounded him in the mouth and chin, so that it was a long time before he could separate the head from the body. By this time the thing was generally known, and Alcyoneus, the son of Antigonus, came hastily up, and asked for the head, as if he wanted only to look upon it. But as soon as he had got it, he rode off with it to his father, and cast it at his feet, as he was sitting with his friends. Antigonus, looking upon the head, and knowing it, thrust his son from him; and struck him with his staff, calling him an impious and barbarous wretch. Then putting his robe before his eyes, he wept in remembrance of the fate of his grandfather Antigonus,* and that of his father Demetrius, two instances in his own house of the mutability of fortune. As for the head and body of Pyrrhus, he ordered them to be laid in magniscent attire on the funer: I pile and burned. After this, Alcyoneus, having met with Helenus in great distress and a mean garb, addressed him in a courteous manner, and conducted him to his father, who thus expressed himself on the occasion: "In this, my son, you have acted much better than before; but still you are deficient; for you should have taken off that mean habit, which is a greater disgrace to us who are victorious, than it is to the vanquished." Then he paid his respects to Helenus in a very obliging manner, and sent him to Ephirus with a proper equipage. He gave also the same kind reception to the friends of Pyrrhus, after he had made himself master of his whole camp and army. CAIUS MARIUS. We know no third name of Caius Marius, any more than we do of Quinctus Sertorious, who held Spain so long, or of Lucius Mummius, who took Corinth. For the surname of Achaicus, Mummius gained by his conquest, as Scipio did that of Africanus, and Metellus that of Macedonicus. Posidonius avails himself chiefly of this argument to confute those who hold the third to be the Roman proper name, Camillus; for instance, Marcellus, Cato: for in that case, those who had only two names, would have had no proper name at all. But he did not consider, that by this reasoning, he robbed the women of their names; for no woman bears the first, which Posidonius supposed the proper name among the Romans. Of the other names, one was common to the whole family, as the Pompeii, Manlii, Cornelii, in the same manner as with us, the Heraclidæ and Pelopida; and the other was a surname given them from something remarkable in their dispositions, their actions, or the form of their bodies, as Macrinus, Torquatus, Sylla, which are like Mnemon, Grypus, and Callinicus, among the Greeks. But the diversity of customs in this respect, leaves much room for farther inquiry. But did not Chance at length her error mend? Johnson. He left the name at which the world grew pale, To point a moral, or adorn a tale! *The Romans had usually three names, the Pre-a nomen, the Nomen, and the Cognomen. The Pranomen, as Aulus, Caius, Decimus, was the proper or distinguishing name between brothers, during the time of the republic. The Nomen was the family name, answering to the Grecian patronymics. For, as among the Greeks, the As to the figure of Marius, we have seen at Ravenna in Gaul his statue in marble, which perfectly expressed all that has been said of his sternness and austerity of behaviour. For being naturally robust and warlike, and more acquainted with the discipline of the camp than the city, he was fierce and untractable when in authority. It is said that he neither learned to read Greek, nor would make use of that language on any serious occasion, thinking it ridiculous to bestow time on learning the language of a conquered people. And when, after his second triumph, at the dedication of a temple, he exhibited shows to the people in the posterity of Eacus were called acide, so the Julian family had that name from Iulus or Ascanius. But there were several other things which gave rise to the Nomen, as animals, places, and accidents; for instance, Porcius, Ovilius, &c. The Cognomen was originally intended to distinguish the several branches of a family. It was assumed from no certain cause, but generally from some particular occurrence. It became, however, hereditary, ble appellation, as Macedonicus, Africanus. But it except it happened to be changed for a more honourashould be well remarked, that, under the emperors, the Cognomen was often used as a proper name, and brothers were distinguished by it, as Titus Flavius Vespasianus, and Titus Flavius Sabinus. As to women, they had anciently their Prænomen, as well as the men, such as Caia, Lucia, &c. But af terwards, they seldom used any other besides the family name, as Julia, Tullia, and the like. Where there were two sisters in a house, the distinguishing appellations were major and minor; if a greater number, Prima, Secunda, Tertia, &c. With respect to the men who had only two names, family might be so mean as not to have gained the Cognomen; or there might be so few of the family, that there was no occasion for it to distinguish the branches. *Antigonus the First was killed at the battle of Ipsus, and Demetrius the First long kept a prisoner by his son in-law Seleucus. Grecian manner, he barely entered the theatre | reject it, and to cite Marius to give account of and sat down, and then rose up and departed his conduct. Such a decree being made, immediately. Therefore, as Plato used to say Marius, when he entered the senate, shewed to Xenocrates the philosopher, who had a not the embarrassment of a young man admorose and unpolished manner, "Good Xeno-vanced to office, without having first distincrates, sacrifice to the Graces;" so if any one could have persuaded Marius to pay his court to the Grecian Muses and Graces, he had never brought his noble achievements, both in war and peace, to so shocking a conclusion; he had never been led, by unseasonable ambition and insatiable avarice, to split upon the rocks of a savage and cruel old age. But this will soon appear from his actions themselves. His parents were obscure and indigent people, who supported themselves by labour; his father's name was the same with his; his mother was called Fulcinia. It was late before he came to Rome, or had any taste of the refinements of the city. In the mean time he lived at Cirræntum, a village in the territory of Arpinum: and his manner of living there was perfectly rustic, if compared with the elegance of polished life; but at the same time it was temperate, and much resembled that of the ancient Romans. He made his first campaign against the Celtiberians, when Scipio Africanus besieged Numantia. It did not escape his general how far he was above the other young soldiers in courage; nor how easily he came into the reformation in point of diet, which Scipio introduced into the army; before almost ruined by luxury and pleasure. It is said also, that he encountered and killed an enemy in the sight of his general; who therefore distinguished him with many marks of honour and respect, one of which was the inviting him to his table. One evening the conversation happened to turn upon the great commanders then in being, some person in the company, either out of complaisance to Scipio, or because he really wanted to be informed, asked, "Where the Romans should find such another general when he was gone?" upon which Scipio, putting his hand on the shoulder of Marius, who sat next him, said, "Here, perhaps." So happy was the genius of both those great men, that the one, while but a youth, gave tokens of his future abilities, and the other from those beginnings could discover the long series of glory which was to follow. This saying of Scipio's, we are told, raised the hopes of Marius, like a divine oracle, and was the chief thing that animated him to apply himself to affairs of state. By the assistance of Cæcilius Metellus, on whose house he had an hereditary dependence, he was chosen a tribune of the people. In this office he proposed a law for regulating the manner of voting, which tended to lessen the authority of the patricians in matters of judicature. Cotta the consul, therefore, persuaded the senate to *A corruption of Cernetum. Pliny tells us, the inhabitants of Cernetum were called Mariani, undoubtedly from Marius their townsman, who had distinguished himself in so extraordinary a manner. Plin. Lib. iii. c. 5. In the third year of the hundred and sixty-first Olympiad, one hundred and thirty-three years before the birth of Christ. One hundred and seventeen years before Christ. guished himself, but assuming beforehand the elevation which his future actions were to give him, he threatened to send Cotta to prison, if he did not revoke the decree. Cotta turning to Metellus, and asking his opinion, Metellus rose up and voted with the consul.Hereupon Marius called in a lictor, and ordered him to take Metellus into custody. Metellus appealed to the other tribunes, but as not one of them lent him any assistance, the senate gave way, and repealed their decree. Marius, highly distinguished by this victory, went immediately from the senate to the forum, and had his law confirmed by the people. From this time he passed for a man of inflexible resolution, not to be influenced by fear or respect of persons, and consequently one that would prove a bold defender of the people's privileges against the senate. But this opinion was soon altered by his taking quite a different part.-For a law being proposed concerning the distribution of corn, he strenuously opposed the plebeians, and carried it against them. By which action he gained equal esteem from both parties, as a person incapable of serving either, against the public advantage. When his tribuneship was expired, he stood candidate for the office of chief ædile. For there are two offices of ædiles; the one called curulis, from the chair with crooked feet, in which the magistrate sits while he dispatches business; the other, of a degree much inferior, is called the plebeian ædile. The more honourable ædiles are first chosen, and then the people proceed the same day to the election of the other. When Marius found he could not carry the first, he dropped his pretensions there, and immediately applied for the second. But as this proceeding of his betrayed a disagreeable and importunate obstinacy, he miscarried in that also. Yet though he was twice baffled in his application in one day (which never happened to any man but himself,) he was not at all discouraged. For, not long after, he stood for the prætorship, and was near being rejected again. He was, indeed, returned last of all, and then was accused of bribery. What contributed most to the suspicion, was, a servant of Cassius Sabaco being seen between the rails, among the electors; for Sabaco was an intimate friend of Marius. He was summoned, therefore, by the judges; and, being interrogated upon the point, ho said, "That the heat having made him very thirsty, he asked for cold water; upon which his servant brought him a cup, and withdrew as soon as he had drank." Sabaco was cxpelled the senate by the next censors,* and it was thought he deserved that mark of infamy, as having been guilty either of falsehood or intemperance. Caius Herennius was also cited as a witness against Marius; but he alleged, that it was not customary for patrons (so the Romans call protectors) to give evidence against their clients, and that the law Probably he had one of his slaves to vote armong the freemen. excused them from that obligation. The prudence and foresight, and contesting it with judges were going to admit the plea, when the common soldiers in abstemiousness and Marius himself opposed it, and told Heren- labour, he entirely gained their affections. For nius, that when he was first created a magis- it is no small consolation to any one who is trate, he ceased to be his client. But this was obliged to work, to see another voluntarily take not altogether true. For it is not every office a share in his labour; since it seems to take off that frees clients and their posterity from the the constraint. There is not, indeed, a more service due to their patrons, but only those agreeable spectacle to a Roman soldier, than magistracies to which the law gives a curule that of his general eating the same dry bread chair. Marius, however, during the first days which he eats, or lying on an ordinary bed, or of trial, found that matters ran against him, assisting his men in drawing a trench or throwhis judges being very unfavourable; yet, at last, ing up a bulwark. For the soldier does not so the votes proved equal, and he was acquitted much admire those officers who let him share beyond expectation. in their honour or their money, as those who will partake with him in labour or danger; and he is more attached to one that will assist him in his work, than to one who will indulge him in idleness. In his prætorship he did nothing to raise him to distinction. But, at the expiration of this office, the Farther Spain falling to his lot, he is said to have cleared it of robbers. That province as yet was uncivilized and savage in By these steps Marius gained the hearts of its manners, and the Spaniards thought there the soldiers; his glory, his influence, his re was nothing dishonourable in robbery. At his putation, spread through Africa, and extended return to Rome, he was desirous to have his even to Rome: the men under his command share in the administration, but had neither wrote to their friends at home, that the only riches nor eloquence to recommend him; though means of putting an end to the war in those these were the instruments by which the great parts, would be to elect Marius consul. This men of those times governed the people His occasioned no small anxiety to Metellus, but high spirit, however, his indefatigable industry, what distressed him most was the affair of Turand plain manner of living, recommended him pilius. This man and his family had long been so effectually to the commonalty, that he gained retainers to that of Metellus, and he attended offices, and by offices power: so that he was him in that war in the character of master of thought worthy the alliance of the Cæsars, and the artificers, but being, through his interest, married Julia of that illustrious family. Cæsar, appointed governor of the large town of Vaca, who afterwards raised himself to such emi- his humanity to the inhabitants and the unsus nence, was her nephew; and on account of pecting openness of his conduct, gave them his relation to Marius, shewed himself very an opportunity of delivering up the place to solicitous for his honour, as we have related in Jugurtha. Turpilius, however, suffered no injury in his person; for the inhabitants, having prevailed upon Jugurtha to spare him, dismissed him in safety. On this account he was accused of betraying the place. Marius, who was one of the council of war, was not only severe upon him himself, but stirred up most of the other judges; so that it was carried against the opinion of Metellus, and much against his will he passed sentence of death upon him. A little after, the accusation appeared a false one; and all the other officers sympathized with Metellus, who was overwhelmed with sorrow while Marius, far from dissembling his joy, declared the thing was his doing, and was not ashamed to acknowledge in all companies, "That he had lodged an avenging fury in the breast of Metellus, who would not fail to punish him for having put to death the hereditary friend of his family." his life. Marius, along with his temperance, was possessed of great fortitude in enduring pain. There was an extraordinary proof of this, in his bearing an operation in surgery. Having both his legs full of wens, and being troubled at the deformity, he determined to put him self in the hands of a surgeon. He would not be bound, but stretched out one of his legs to the knife; and without motion or groan, bore the inexpressible pain of the operation in silence and with a settled countenance. But when the surgeon was going to begin with the other leg, he would not suffer him, saying, "I see the cure is not worth the pain." About this time Cæcilius Metellus the congul, being appointed to the chief command in the war against Jugurtha, took Marius with him into Africa as one of his lieutenants. Marius, now finding an opportunity for great actions and glorious toils, took no care, like his colleagues, to contribute to the reputation of Metellus, or to direct his views to his service; but concluding that he was called to the heutenancy, not by Metellus but by Fortune, who had opened him an easy way and a noble theatre for great achievements, exerted all his powers. That war presenting many critical occasions, he neither declined the most difficult service, nor thought the most servile beneath him. Thus surpassing his equals in Q. Cæcilius Metellus was consul with M. Junius Silanus, the fourth year of the one hundred and sixtyseventh Olympiad, a hundred and seven years before the birth of Christ. In this expedition, he acquired the surname of Numidicus. They now became open enemies; and one day when Marius was by, we are told, that Metellus said by way of insult, "You think then, my good friend, to leave us, and go home, to solicit the consulship: would you not be contented to stay and be consul with this son of mine?” The son of Metellus was then very young. Notwithstanding this, Marius still kept applying for leave to be gone, and Metellus found out new pretences for delay. At last, when there wanted only twelve days to the election, he dismissed him. Marius had a long journey from the camp to Utica, but he dispatched it in two They put the Roman garrison to the sword, sparing none but Turpilius. when he became a fugitive and a wanderer, and was reduced to the necessity of applying to Bocchus as his last resource, that prince received him rather as a suppliant than as his son-in-law. When he had him in his hands he proceeded in public to intercede with Marins in his behalf, alleging in his letters, that he would never give him up, but defend him to the last. At the same time in private intending to betray him, he sent for Lucius Sylla, who was quæstor to Marius, and had done Bocchus many services during the war. When Sylla was come to him, confiding in his honour, the barbarian began to repent, and often changed his mind, deliberating for some days whether he should deliver up Jugurtha or retain Sylla too. At last, adhering to the treachery he had first conceived, he put Jugurtha, alive, into the hands of Sylla. Hence the first seeds of that violent and implacable quarrel, which almost ruined the Roman empire. For many, out of envy to Marius, were willing to attribute this success to Sylla only; and Sylla himself caused a seal days and a night. At his arrival on the coast he offered sacrifice before he embarked; and the diviner is said to have told him, "That Heaven announces success superior to all his hopes. Elevated with this promise, he set sail and, having a fair wind, crossed the sea in four days. The people immediately expressed their inclination for him; and being introduced by one of their tribunes, he brought many false charges against Metellus, in order to secure the consulship for himself; promising at the same time either to kill Jugurtha or to take him alive. He was elected with great applause, and immediately began his levies; in which he observed neither law nor custom; for he enlisted many needy persons, and even slaves. The generals that were before him, had not admitted such as these, but entrusted only persons of property with arms as with other honours, considering that property as a pledge to the public for their behaviour. Nor was this the only obnoxious thing in Marius. His bold speeches, accompanied with insolence and ill manners, gave the patricians great uneasiness. For he scrupled not to say, "That he had tak-to be made, which represented Bocchus deen the consulate as a prey from the effeminacy of the high-born and the rich, and that he boasted to the people of his own wounds, not the images of others, or monuments of the dead." He took frequent occasion, too, to mention Bestia and Albinus, generals who had been mostly unfortunate in Africa, as men of illustrious families, but unfit for war, and consequently unsuccessful through want of capacity. Then he would ask the people, "Whether they did not think that the ancestors of those men would have wished rather to leave a posterity like him; since they themselves did not rise to glory by their high birth, but by their virtue and great actions. These things he said not out of mere vanity and arrogance or needlessly to embroil himself with the nobility; but he saw the people took pleasure in seeing the senate insulted, and that they measured the greatness of a man's mind by the insolence of his language; and therefore to gratify them, he spared not the greatest men in the state. livering up Jugurtha to him. This scal he always wore, and constantly sealed his letters with it, by which he highly provoked Marius, who was naturally ambitions, and could not endure a rival in glory. Sylla was instigated to this by the enemies of Marius, who ascribed the beginning and the most considerable actions of the war to Metellus, and the last and finishing stroke to Sylla: that so the people might no longer admire and remain attached to Marius, as the most accomplished of commanders. The danger, however, that approached Italy from the west, soon dispersed all the envy, the hatred, and the calumnies, which had been raised against Marius. The people now in want of an experienced commander, and searching for an able pilot to sit at the helm, that the commonwealth might bear up against so dreadful a storm, found that no one of an opulent or noble family would stand for the consulship; and therefore they elected Marius,* though absent. They had no sooner received Upon his arrival in Africa, Metellus was the news that Jugurtha was taken, than reports quite overcome with grief and resentment, to were spread of an invasion from the Teutones think that when he had in a manner finished and the Cimbri. And though the account of the war, and there remained nothing to take but the number and strength of their armies seemthe person of Jugurtha, Marius, who had raised at first incredible, it afterwards appeared ed himself merely by his ingratitude towards short of the truth. For three thousand wellhim, should come to snatch away both his vic-armed warriors were upon the march, and the tory and triumph. Unable, therefore, to bear the sight of him, he retired, and left his lieutenant Rutilius to deliver up the forces to Marius. But before the end of the war the divine vengeance overtook Marius. For Sylla robbed him of the glory of his exploits, as he had done Metellus. I shall briefly relate here the manner of that transaction, having already given a more particular account of it in the life of Sylla. Bocchus, king of the upper Numidia, was father-in-law to Jugurtha. He gave him, however, very little assistance in the war, pretending that he detested his perfidiousness, while he really dreaded the increase of his power. But *Florus does not say he enlisted slaves, but capite censos, such as having no estates, had only their names entered in the registers. women and children, whom they had along merians or Celtes; Cimri or Cimbri being only a |