PELOPIDAS AND MARCELLUS COMPARED. pursued the fugitives, and others attacked those that stood their ground. The latter were the Fregellanians; for, the Tuscans taking to flight at first charge, the others closed together in a body to defend the consuls: and they continued the fight till Crispinus, wounded with two arrows, turned his horse to make his escape, and Marcellus being run through between the shoulders with a lance, fell down dead. Then the few Fregellanians that remained, leaving the body of Marcellus, carried off his son, who was wounded, and fled with him to the camp. In this skirmish there were not many more than forty men killed; eighteen were taken prisoners, besides five lictors. Crispinus died of his wounds a few days after.* This was a most unparalleled misfortune: the Romans lost both the consuls in one action. Hannibal made but little account of the rest, but when he knew that Marcellus was killed, he hastened to the place, and, standing over the body a long time, surveyed its size and mien: but without speaking one insulting word, or shewing the least sign of joy, which might have been expected at the fall of so dangerous and formidable an enemy. He stood, indeed, awhile astonished at the strange death of so great a man; and at last taking his signet from his finger,t he caused his body to be magnificently attired and burned, and the ashes to be put in a silver urn, and then placed a crown of gold upon it, and sent it to his son. But certain Numidians meeting those that carried the urn, attempted to take it from them, and as the others stood upon their guard to defend it, the ashes were scattered in the struggle. When Hannibal was informed of it, he said to those 229 who were about him, You see it is impossible to do any thing against the will of God. He punished the Numidians, indeed, but took no further care about collecting and sending the remains of Marcellus, believing that some deity had ordained that Marcellus, should die in so strange a manner, and that his ashes should be denied burial. This account of the matter we have from Cornelius Nepos, and Valerius Maximus; but Livy and Augustus Cæsar affirm, that the urn was carried to his son, and that his remains were interred with great magnificence. Marcellus's public donations, besides those he dedicated at Rome, were a Gymnasium, which he built at Catana in Sicily, and several statues and paintings, brought from Syracuse, which he set up in the temple of the Cabiri in Simothrace, and in that of Minerva at Lindus. In the latter of these, the following verses, as Posidonius tells us, were inscribed on the pedestal of his statue: The light of Rome, Marcellus here behold, The author of this inscription adds to his five consulates the dignity of proconsul, with which he was twice honoured. His posterity continued in great splendour down to Marcellus, the son of Caius Marcellus and Octavia the sister of Augustus. He died very young, in the office of ædile, soon after he had mar ried Julia, the emperor's daughter. To do hon. our to his memory, Octavia dedicated to him a library,‡ and Augustus a theatre, and both these public works bore his name." PELOPIDAS AND MARCELLUS COMPARED. and Pelopidas never spilt the blood of any man they had conquered, nor enslaved any city they had taken. And it is affirmed, that if they had been present, the Thebans would not have deprived the Orchomenians of their liberty. THESE are the particulars which we thought | mitted great slaughter, whereas Epaminondas worth reciting from history concerning Marcellus and Pelopidas; between whom there was a perfect resemblance in the gifts of nature, and in their lives and manners. For they were both men of heroic strength, capable of enduring the greatest fatigue, and in courage and magnanimity they were equal. The sole difference is, that Marcellus, in most of the cities which he took by assault, com *He did not die till the latter end of the year, having named T. Manlius Torquatus, dictator, to hold the comitia. Some say he died at Tarentum; others in Campania. As to their achievements, among those of Marcellus there was none greater or more illustrious than his beating such an army of Gauls, both horse and foot, with a handful of horse only, of which you will scarce meet with another instance, and his slaying their prince with his own hand. Pelopidas hoped to have Hannibal imagined he should have some opportu- done something of the like nature, but misnity or other of making use of this seal to his advan-carried and lost his life in the attempt. Howtage. But Crispinus despatched messengers to all the neighbouring cities, in the interest of Rome, acquainting them that Marcellus was killed, and Hannibal master of his ring. This precaution preserved Salapia, in Apulia. Nay, the inhabitants turned the artifice of the Carthaginian upon himself. For admitting, upon a letter sealed with that ring, six hundred of Hannibal's men, most of them Roman deserters, into the town, they on a sudden pulled up the draw-bridges, cut in pieces those who had entered, and, with a shower of darts from the ramparts, drove back the rest. Liv. 1. xxvii. c. 28. *Livy tells us that Hannibal buried the body of Marcellus on the hill where he was slain. His family continued after his death an hundred and eighty-five years; for he was slain in the first year of the hundred and forty third Olympiad, in the five hundred and forty-fifth year of Rome, and two hundred and six years before the Christian æra; and young Marcellus died in the second year of the huudred and eighty-ninth Olympiad, and seven hundred and thirtieth of Rome. According to Suetonius and Dion, it was not Octavia but Augustus that dedicated this library. ever, the great and glorious battles of Leuctra entirely his own. For he alone took Syracuse: and Tegyræ may be compared with these ex- he defeated the Gauls without his colleague; ploits of Marcellus. And, on the other hand, he made head against Hannibal, not only withthere is nothing of Marcellus's effected by strat-out the assistance, but against the remonstranagem and surprise, which can be set against the happy management of Pelopidas, at his return from exile, in taking off the Theban tyrants. Indeed, of all the enterprise of the secret hand of art, that was the masterpiece. ces, of the other generals; and, changing the face of war, he first taught the Romans to meet the enemy to a good countenance. If it be said that Hannibal was a formidable enemy to the Romans, the Lacedæmonians were certainly the same to the Thebans. And yet it is agreed on all hands, that they were thoroughly beaten by Pelopidas, at Leuctra and Tegyræ; whereas, according to Polybius, Hannibal was never once defeated by Marcellus, but continued invincible till he had to do with Scipio. However, we rather believe with Livy, Caesar, and Cornelius Nepos, among the Latin historians, and with king Juba among the Greeks, that Marcellus did sometimes beat Hannibal, and even put his troops to flight, though he gained no advantage of him sufficient to turn the balance considerably on his side: so that one might even think, that the Carthaginian then acted with the art of a wrestler, who sometimes suffers himself to be thrown. But what has been very justly admired in Marcellus is, that after such great armies had been routed, so many generals slain, and the whole empire almost totally subverted, he found means to inspire his troops with courage enough to make head against the enemy. He was the only man that, from a state of terror and dismay, in which they had long remained, raised the army to an eagerness for battle, and infus-gent occasion, without that enthusiasm which ed into them such a spirit, that, far from tame As for their deaths, I praise neither the one nor the other; but it is with concern and indignation that I think of the strange circumstances that attended them. At the same time I admire Hannibal, who fought such a number of battles as it would be a labour to reckon, without ever receiving a wound: and I greatly approve the behaviour of Chrysantes, in the Cyropædia, who, having his sword lifted up and ready to strike, upon hearing the trumpets sound a retreat, calmly and modestly retired without giving the stroke. Pelopidas, however, was somewhat excusable, because he was not only warmed with the heat of battle, but incited by a generous desire of revenge. And, as Euripides says, ly giving up the victory, they disputed it with the greatest obstinacy. For those very men, who had been accustomed by a run of ill suc cess to think themselves happy if they could escape Hannibal by flight, were taught by Marcellus to be ashamed of coming off with disadvantage, to blush at the very thought of giving way, and to be sensibly affected, if they gained not the victory. As Pelopidas never lost a battle in which he commanded in person, and Marcellus won more The first of chiefs is he who laurels gains, In such a man, dying is a free and voluntary act, not a passive submission to fate. But, beside his resentment, the end Pelopidas proposed to himself in conquering, which was the death of a tyrant, with reason animated him to uncommon efforts; for it was not easy to find another cause so great and glorious wherein to exert himself. But Marcellus without any ur often pushes men beyond the bounds of reason self, and died not like a general, but like a in time of danger, unadvisedly exposed hinspy; risking his five consulates, his three triumphs, his trophies and spoils of kings, against had bartered with the Carthaginians for their a company of Spaniards and Numidians, who lives and services. An accident so strange, that those very adventurers could not forbear grudging themselves such success, when they found that a man the most distinguished of all the Romans for valour, as well as power and them for being so prodigal of their blood as to their intrepidity, and a free expostulation with shed it for their own sakes, when it ought to have fallen only for their country, their friends, than any Roman of his time, he who perform-fame, had fallen by their hands, amidst a scouted so many exploits, and was so hard to coning party of Fregellanians. Let not this, however, be deemed an accuquer, may, perhaps, be put on a level with the sation against these great men, but rather a other, who was never beaten. On the other hand, it may be observed, that Marcellus took complaint to them of the injury done themSyracuse, whereas Pelopidas failed in his at-selves, by sacrificing all their other virtues to tempt upon Sparta, yet I think even to approach Sparta, and to be the first that ever passed the Eurotas in a hostile manner, was a greater achievement than the conquest of Sicily; unless it may be said, that the honour of Pelopidas was buried by his friends, in whose this exploit, as well as that of Leuctra, belongs rather to Epaminondas than to Pelopi-emies that slew him. The first was a happy cause he was slain, and Marcellus by those endas, whereas the glory Marcellus gained was and desirable thing, but the other was greater and more extraordinary; for gratitude in a This historian was the son of Juba, king of Nu- friend, for benefits received, is not equal to an midia, who, in the civil war, sided with Pompey, and enemy's admiring the virtue by which he sufwas slain by Petreius in single combat. The son, men-fers. In the first case, there is more regard to tioned here, was brought in triumph by Cæsar to Rome, where he was educated in the learning of the interest than to merit; in the latter, real worth is the sole object of the honour paid, Greeks and Romans. and their allies. ARISTIDES. ARISTIDES, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe of Antiochus, and the ward of Alopece. Of his estate we have different accounts. Some say, he was always very poor, and that he left two daughters behind him, who remained a long time unmarried, on account of their poverty But Demetrius the Phalerean contradicts this general opinion in his Socrates, and says there was a farm at Phalera which went by the name of Aristides, and that there he was buried. And to prove that there was a competent estate in his family, he produces three arguments. The first is taken from the office of archon,† which made the year bear his name; and which fell to him by lot; and for this, none took their chance but such as had an income of the first degree, consisting of five hundred measures of corn, wine, and oil, who, therefore, were called Pentacosiomedimni. The second argument is founded on the Ostracism, by which he was banished, and which was never inflicted on the meaner sort, but only upon persons of quality, whose grandeur and family pride made them obnoxious to the people. The third and last is drawn from the Tripods, which Aristides dedicated in the temple of Bacchus, on account of his victory in the public games, and which are still to be seen, with this inscription, "The tribe of Antiochus gained the victory, Aristides defrayed the charges, and Archestratus was the author of the play." son to Xenophilus, and the latter lived long after, as appears from the characters, which were not in use till after Euclid's time, and likewise from the name of the poet Archestratus, which is not found in any record or author during the Persian wars; whereas mention is often made of a poet of that name, who brought his pieces upon the stage in the time of the Peloponnesian war. But this argument of Panatius should not be admitted without farther examination. And as for the Ostracism, every man that was distinguished by birth, reputation, or eloquence, was liable to suffer by it; since it fell even upon Damon, preceptor to Pericles, because he was looked upon as a man of superior parts and policy. Besides, Idomeneus tells us, that Aristides came to be Archon, not by lot, but by particular appointment of the people. And if he was Archon after the battle of Platæa,† as Demetrius himself writes, it is very probable that, after such great actions, and so much glory, his virtue might gain him that office, which others obtained by their wealth. But it is plain that Demetrius laboured to take off the imputation of poverty, as if it were some great evil, not only from Aristides, but from Socrates too; who, he says, besides a house of his own, had seventy minæt at interest in the hands of Crito. Aristides had a particular friendship for But this last argument, though in appearance Clisthenes, who settled the popular governthe strongest of all, is really a very weak one. ment at Athens, after the expulsion of the For Epaminondas, who, as every body knows, tyrants ;§ yet he had, at the same time, the lived and died poor, and Plato the philosopher, greatest veneration for Lycurgus, the Lacewho was not rich, exhibited very splendid dæmonian, whom he considered as the most shows: the one was at the expense of a con- excellent of lawgivers: and this led him to be cert of flutes at Thebes, and the other of an a favourer of aristocracy, in which he was entertainment of singing and dancing, perform- always opposed by Themistocles, who listed ed by boys at Athens, Dion having furnished in the party of the commons. Some, indeed, Plato with the money, and Pelopidas supplied Epaminondas. For why should good men be always averse to the presents of their friends? While they think it mean and ungenerous to receive any thing for themselves, to lay up, or to gratify an avaricious temper, they need not refuse such offers as serve the purposes of honour and magnificence, without any views of profit. As to the Tripods, inscribed with ARISTIDES, Panatius shews plainly that Demetrius was deceived by the name. For, according to the registers, from the Persian to the end of the Peloponnesian war, there were only two of the name of Aristides who carried the prize in the choral exhibitions, and neither of them was the son of Lysimachus: for the former was * And yet, according to a law of Solon's the bride was to carry with her only three suits of clothes, and a little household stuff of small value. At Athens they reckoned their years by Archons, as the Romans did theirs by Consuls. One of the nine Archons, who all had estates of the first degree, was for this purpose chosen by lot out of the rest, and his name inscribed in the public registers. say, that, being brought up together from their infancy, when boys, they were always at variance, not only in serious matters, but in their very sports and diversions: and their tempers were discovered from the first by that opposition. The one was insinuating, daring, and artful; variable, and at the same time impetuous in his pursuits: the other was solid and steady, inflexibly just, incapable of using any falsehood, flattery, or deceit, even at play. *It is very possible for a poet, in his own life time, to have his plays acted in the Peloponnesian war, and in the Persian too. And, therefore, the inscription which Plutarch mentions might belong to our Arístides. But Demetrius was mistaken; for Aristides was never Archon after the battle of Platea, which was fought in the second year of the seventy-fifth Olympiad. In the list of Archons, the name of Aristides is found in the fourth of the seventy-second Olympiad, a year or two after the battle of Marathon, and in the second year of the seventy-fourth Olympiad, four years before the battle of Platea. But Socrates himself declares, in his apology to his judges, that, considering his poverty, they could not in reason fine him more than one Mina. These tyrants were the Pisistratida, who were driven out about the sixty-sixth Olympiad. But Aristo of Chios* writes, that their enmity, which afterwards came to such a height, took its rise from love. Themistocles, who was an agreeable companion, gained many friends, and became respectable in the strength of his popularity. Thus when he was told, that "he would govern the Athenians extremely well, if he would but do it without respect of persons," he said, "May I never sit on a tribunal where my friends shall not find more favour from me than strangers." Aristides, on the contrary, took a method of his own in conducting the administration. For he would neither consent to any injustice to oblige his friends, nor yet disoblige them by denying all they asked: and as he saw that many, depending on their interest and friends, were tempted to do unwarrantable things, he never endeavoured after that support, but declared, that a good citizen should place his whole strength and security in advising and doing what is just and right. Nevertheless, as Themistocles made many rash and dangerous motions, and endeavoured to break his measures in every step of government, he was obliged to oppose him as much in his turn, partly by way of self-defence, and partly to lessen his power, which daily increased through the favour of the people. For he thought it better that the commonwealth should miss some advantages, than that Themistocles, by gaining his point, should come at last to carry all before him. Hence it was, that one day when Themistocles proposed something advantageous to the public, Aristides opposed it strenuously, and with success; but as he went out of the assembly, he could not forbear saying, "The affairs of the Athenians cannot prosper, except they throw Themistocles and myself into the barathrum." Another time, when he intended to propose a decree to the people, he found it strongly disputed in the council, but at last he prevailed: perceiving its inconveniences, however, by the preceding debates, he put a stop to it, just as the president was going to put it to the question, in order to its being confirmed by the people. Very often he offered his sentiments by a third person, lest, by the opposition of Themistocles to him, the public good should be obstructed. In the changes and fluctuations of the government, his firmness was wonderful. Neither elated with honours, nor discomposed with ill success, he went on in a moderate and steady manner, persuaded that his country had a claim to his services, without the reward either of honour or profit. Hence it was, that when those verses of Eschylus concerning Amphiaraus were repeated on the stage, To be, and not to seem, is this man's maxim; Dacier thinks it was rather Aristo of Ceos, because, as a peripatetic, he was more likely to write treatises of love than the other, who was a stoic. The barathrum was a very deep pit, into which condemned persons were thrown headlong. These verses are to be found in the "Siege of the eyes of the people in general were fixed on Aristides, as the man to whom this great encomium was most applicable. Indeed, he was capable of resisting the suggestions, not only of favour and affection, but of resentment and enmity too, wherever justice was concerned. For it is said, that when he was carrying on a prosecution against his enemy, and after he had brought his charge, the judges were going to pass sentence, without hearing the person accused, he rose up to his assistance, entreating that he might be heard, and have the privilege which the laws allowed. Another time, when he himself sat judge between two private persons, and one of them observed, "That his adversary had done many injuries to Aristides." "Tell me not that," said he, "but what injury he has done to thee; for it is thy cause I am judging, not my own. When appointed public treasurer, he made it appear, that not only those of his time, but the officers that preceded him, had applied a great deal of the public money to their own use; and particularly Themistocles: He -For he with all his wisdom, Could ne'er command his hands. For this reason, when Aristides gave in his accounts, Themistocles raised a strong party against him, accused him of misapplying the public money, and (according to Idomeneus) got him condemned. But the principal and most respectable of the citizens,* incensed at this treatment of Aristides, interposed and prevailed, not only that he might be excused the fine, but chosen again chief treasurer. now pretended that his former proceedings were too strict, and carrying a gentler hand over those that acted under him, suffered them to pilfer the public money, without seeming to find them out, or reckoning strictly with them: so that, fattening on the spoils of their country, they lavished their praises on Aristides, and, heartily espousing his cause, begged of the people to continue him in the same department. But when the Athenians were going to confirm it to him by their suffrages, he gave them this severe rebuke: "While I managed your finances with all the fidelity of an honest man, I was loaded with calumnies; and now when I suffer them to be a prey to public robbers, I am become a mighty good citizen: but I assure you, I am more ashamed of the present honour, than I was of the former disgrace; and it is with indignation and concern that I see you esteem it more meritorious to oblige ill men, than to take proper care of the public revenue." By thus speaking and discovering their frauds, he silenced those that recommended him with so much noise and bustle, but at the same time received the truest and most valuable praise from the worthiest of the citizens. About this time Datis, who was sent by Darius, under the pretence of chastising the Athenians for burning Sardis, but in reality to subdue all Greece, arrived with his fleet at Thebes by the seven Captains." They are a description of the genius and temper of Amphiaraus, which the courier, who brings an account of the enemy's attacks, and of the characters of the commanders, gives to Eteocles. *The court of Areopagus interposed in his behalf. Marathon, and began to ravage the neigh-ed about, and rich garments and other booty bouring country. Among the generals to in abundance were found in the tents and ships whom the Athenians gave the management of which they had taken, yet he neither had an this war, Militiades was first in dignity, and the inclination to touch any thing himself, nor pernext to him, in reputation and authority, was mitted others to do it. But, notwithstanding Aristides In a council of war that was then his care, some enriched themselves unknown held, Miltiades voted for giving the enemy to him: among whom was Callias, the torchbattle, and Aristides seconding him, added bearer. One of the barbarians happening to no little weight to his scale. The generals meet him in a private place, and probably commanded by turns, each his day; but when taking him for a king, on account of his long it came to Aristides's turn, he gave up his hair and the fillet which he wore,† prostrated right to Miltiades; thus shewing his colleagues himself before him; and taking him by the that it was no disgrace to follow the directions hand, shewed him a great quantity of gold of the wise, but that, on the contrary, it an- that was hid in a well. But Callias, not less swered several honourable and salutary pur- cruel than unjust, took away the gold, and then poses. By this means, he laid the spirit of killed the man that had given him information contention, and bringing them to agree in, and of it, lest he should mention the thing to others. follow the best opinion, he strengthened the Hence, they tell us, it was, that the comic hands of Miltiades, who now had the absolute writers called his family Laccopluti, i. e. enand undivided command; the other generals no riched by the well, jesting upon the place from longer insisting on their days, but entirely sub- whence their founder drew his wealth. mitting to his orders.† In this battle, the main body of the Athenian army was pressed the hardest, because there, for a long time, the barbarians made their greatest efforts against the tribes Leontis and Antiochis; and Themistocles and Aristides, who belonged to those tribes, exerting themselves, at the head of them, with all the spirit of emulation, behaved with so much vigour, that the enemy were put to flight, and driven back to their ships. But the Greeks perceiving that the barbarians, instead of sailing to the isles, to return to Asia, were driven in, by the wind and currents, towards Attica,§ and fearing that Athens, unprovided for its defence, might become an easy prey to them, marched home with nine tribes, and used such expedition, that they reached the city in one day. Aristides was left at Marathon with his own tribe, to guard the prisoners and the spoils; and he did not disappoint the public opinion; for though there was much gold and silver scatter * According to Herodotus (1. vi. c. 109.), the generals were very much divided in their opinions; some were for fighting, others not; Miltiades observing this, addressed himself to Callimachus of Aphidna, who was Polemarch, and whose power was equal to that of all the other generals. Callimachus, whose voice was decisive, according to the Athenian laws, joined directly with Miltiades, and declared for giving battle immediately. Possibly, Aristides might have some share in bringing Callimachus to this resolution. f Yet he would not fight until his own proper day of command came about, for fear that through any latent sparks of jealousy and envy, any of the generals should be led not to do their duty. The year following, Aristides was appointed to the office of Archon, which gave his name to that year; though, according to Demetrius the Phalerean, he was not archon till after the battle of Platæa, a little before his death. But in the public registers we find not any of the name of Aristides in the list of archons, after Xanthippides, in whose archonship Mardonius was beaten at Platea; whereas his name is on record immediately after Phanippus, who was archon the same year that the battle was gained at Marathon Of all the virtues of Aristides, the people were most struck with his justice, because the public utility was the most promoted by it. Thus he, though a poor man and a commoner, gained the royal and divine title of the Just, which kings and tyrants have never been fond of. It has been their ambition to be styled Poliorceti, takers of cities; Cerauni, thunderbolts; Nicanors, conquerors. Nay, some have chosen to be called Eagles and Vultures, preferring the fame of power to that of virtuc. Whereas the Deity himself, to whom they want to be compared, is distinguished by three things, immortality, power, and virtue; and of these, virtue is the most excellent and divine. For space and the elements are everlasting; earthquakes, lightning, storms, and torrents, have an amazing power; but as for justice, nothing participates of that, without reasoning and thinking on God. And whereas men entertain three different sentiments with respect to the gods, namely, admiration, fear, and esteem, it should seem that they admire * Torch-bearers, styled in Greek deduchi, were persons dedicated to the service of the gods, and admitted even to the most sacred mysteries. Pausanias speaks of it as a great happiness to a woman, that she had seen her brother, her husband, and her son, succes The Athenians and Plateans fought with such obstinate valour on the right and left, that the barbarians were forced to fly on both sides. The Persians and Sace, however, perceiving that the Athenian centre was weak, charged with such force, that they broke through it: this, those on the right and left perceived, but did not attempt to succour it, till they had put to flight both the wings of the Persian army; then bend-sively enjoy this office. ing the points of the wings towards their own centre, Both priests and kings wore fillets or diadems. It they enclosed the hitherto victorious Persians, and cut them in pieces. It was reported in those times, that the Alemænidæ encouraged the Persians to make a second attempt, by holding up, as they approached the shore, a shield for a signal. However, it was the Persian fleet that endeavoured to double the cape of Junium, with a view to surprise the city of Athens before the army could return. Herodot. 1. vi. c. 101, &c. From Marathon to Athens is about forty miles. is well known, that in ancient times, those two dignities were generally vested in the same person; and such nations as abolished the kingly office, kept the title of king for a person who ministered in the principal functions of the priesthood. From the registers it appears, that Phannippus was archon in the third year of the seventy-second Olympiad. It was, therefore, in this year that the bat tle of Marathon was fought, four hundred and ninety years before the birth of Christ. |