point. But the people, believing that his opposition to Scipio proceeded either from envy of his success, or from a secret fear that if this young hero should perform some signal exploit, put an end to the war, or even remove it out of Italy, his own slow proceedings through the course of so many years, might be imputed to indolence or timidity. their looks, expressing their resentment of the indignity offered to a person of his character. But he instantly alighted, and ran to his son, and embraced him with great tenderness. "My son," said he, "I applaud your sentiments and your behaviour. You know what a people you command, and have a just sense of the dignity of your office. This was the way that we and our forefathers took to advance To me Fabius seems at first to have opposed Rome to her present height of glory, always the measures of Scipio from an excess of cauconsidering the honour and interest of our coun- tion and prudence, and to have really thought try before that of our own fathers and children." the danger attending his project great; but in And indeed it is reported that the great the progress of the opposition, I think he went grand-father of our Fabius, though he was one too great lengths, misled by ambition and a of the greatest men in Rome, whether we con- jealousy of Scipio's rising glory. For he apsider his reputation or authority, though he had plied to Crassus, the colleague of Scipio, and been five times consul, and had been honoured endeavoured to persuade him not to yield that with several glorious triumphs on account of province to Scipio, but if he thought it proper his success in wars of the last importance, yet to conduct the war in that manner, to go himcondescended to serve as licutenant to his son self against Carthage. Nay, he even hindered then consul,t in an expedition against the Sam- | the raising of money for that expedition: so nites: and while his son, in the triumph which that Scipio was obliged to find the supplies as was decreed him, drove into Rome in a chariot he could: and he effected it through his interand four, he with others followed him on horse-est with the cities of Hetruria, which were back. Thus, while he had authority over his son, considered as a private man, and while he was both especially and reputedly the most considerable member of the commonwealth, yet he gloried in showing his subjection to the laws and to the magistrate. Nor was this the only part of his character that deserves to be admired. When Fabius Maximus had the misfortune to lose his son, he bore that loss with great moderation, as became a wise man and a good father; and the funeral oration, which on occasion of the deaths of illustrious men is usually pronounced by some near kinsman, he delivered himself; and having committed it to writing, made it public. wholly devoted to him. As for Crassus, he stayed at home, partly induced to it by his disposition, which was mild and peaceful, and partly by the care of religion, which was entrusted to him as high-priest. those men who had served him with so much fidelity in Spain. In this particular Fabius seems to have followed the dictates of his own cautious temper. Fabius, therefore, took another method to traverse the design. He endeavoured to prevent the young men who offered to go volunteers from giving in their names, and loudly declared both in the senate and forum, "That Scipio did not only himself avoid Hannibal, but intended to carry away with him the remaining strength of Italy, persuading the young men to abandon their parents, their wives, and native city, whilst an unsubdued and potent When Publius Cornelius Scipio, who was enemy was still at their doors." With these sent proconsul into Spain, had defeated the assertions he so terrified the people, that they Carthaginians in many battles, and driven allowed Scipio to take with him only the lethem out of that province; and when he had,gions that were in Sicily, and three hundred of moreover, reduced several towns and nations under the obedience of Rome, on returning loaded with spoil, he was received with great acclamations and general joy. Being appointed consul, and finding that the people expected something great and striking at his hands, he considered it as an antiquated method and worthy only of the inactivity of an old man, to watch the motions of Hannibal in Italy; and therefore determined to remove the seat of war from thence into Africa, to fill the enemy's country with his legions, to extend his ravages far and wide, and to attempt Carthage itself. With this view he exerted all his talents to bring the people into his design. But Fabius, on this occasion, filled the city with alarms, as if the commonwealth was going to be brought into the most extreme danger by a rash and indiscreet young man; in short, he scrupled not to do or say any thing he thought likely to dissuade his countrymen from embracing the proposal. With the senate he carried his Fabius Rullus. After Scipio was gone over into Africa, an account was soon brought to Rome of his glorious and wonderful achievements. This account was followed by rich spoils which confirmed it. A Numidian king was taken prisoner; two camps were burned and destroyed, and in them a vast number of men, arms, and horses; and the Carthaginians sent orders to Hannibal extraordinary things have I known in that man, but nothing more admirable than the manner in which he bore the death of his son, a person of great merit and of consular diguity. His eulogium is in our hands; and while we read it, do we not look down on the best of the philosophers?" See the debates in the senate on that occasion, in Livy, ab. xxviii. This Crassus could not do: for being Pontifex Maximus, it was necessary that he should remain in Italy. Scipio was empowered to ask of the allies all things necessary for building and equipping a new fleet. And +Fabius Gurges, who had been defeated by the Sam-themselves to furnish him with corn, iron, timber, cloth many of the provinces and cities voluntarily taxed nites, and would have been degraded, had not his fath-for sails, &c. so that in forty days after the cutting of er promised to attend him in his second expedition as his lieutenant. + Cicero, in his treatise on old age, speaks in high terms, both of Fabius and this oration of his: "Many the timber, he was in a condition to set sail with a fleet of thirty new galleys, besides the thirty he had before. There went with him about seven thousand volunteers. to quit his fruitless hopes in Italy, and return home to defend his own country. Whilst every tongue was applauding these exploits of Scipio, Fabius proposed that his successor should be appointed, without any shadow or reason for it, except what this well known maxim implies, viz. "That it is dangerous to trust affairs of such importance to the fortune of one man, because it is not likely that he will be always successful." man generals, dictators and consuls." The city was alarmed at these declamations, and though the war was removed into Africa, the danger seemed to approach nearer Rome than ever. However, soon after, Scipio defeated Hannibal in a pitched battle, pulled down the pride of Carthage and trod it under foot. This afforded the Romans a pleasure beyond all their hopes, and restored a firmness to their empire, which had been shaken with so many tempests. But Fabius Maximus did not live to the end of the war, to hear of the overthrow of Hannibal, or to see the prosperity of his country re-esItaly, he fell sick and died. We are assured, that Epaminondas died so poor, that the Thebans buried him at the public charge; for at his death nothing was found in his house but an iron spit. The expense of Fabius's funeral was not indeed defrayed out of the Roman treasury, but every citizen contributed a small piece of money towards it; not that he died without effects, but that they might bury him as the father of the people: and that the honours paid him at his death might be suitable to the dignity of his life. By this he offended the people, who now considered him as a captious and envious man; or as one whose courage and hopes were lost in the dregs of years, and who, therefore, look-tablished: for about the time that Hannibal left ed upon Hannibal as more formidable than he really was. Nay, even when Hannibal embarked his army and quitted Italy, Fabius ceased not to disturb the general joy and to damp the spirits of Rome. For he took the liberty to affirm, "That the commonwealth was now come to her last and worst trial; that she had the most reason to dread the efforts of Hannibal when he should arrive in Africa, and attack her sons under the walls of Carthage; that Scipio would have to do with an army yet warm with the blood of so many Ro PERICLES AND FABIUS MAXIMUS COMPARED. wildness and insolence of a city elated with success, and wanton with power, such as Athens was when Pericles held the reins of government. But then, undauntedly to keep to his first resolutions, and not to be discomposed by the vast weight of misfortunes with which Rome was then oppressed, discovers in Fabius an admirable firinness and dignity of mind. Against the taking of Samos by Pericles, we may set the retaking of Tarentum by Fabius; and with Euboea we may put in balance the towns of Campania. As for Capua, it was recovered afterwards by the consuls Furius and Appius. Fabius, indeed, gained but one set battle, for which he had his first triumph; whereas Pericles erected nine trophies for as many victories won by land and sea. But none of the victories of Pericles can be compared with that memorable rescue of Minucius, by which Fabius redeemed him and his whole army from utter destruction: an action truly great, and in which you find at once the bright assemblage of valour, of prudence, and human SUCH were the lives of these two persons, so illustrious and worthy of imitation both in their civil and military capacity. We shall first compare their talents for war. And here it strikes us at once, that Pericles came into power at a time when the Athenians were at the height of prosperity, great in themselves, and respectable to their neighbours: so that in the very strength of the republic, with only common success, he was secure from taking any disgraceful step. But as Fabius came to the helm, when Rome experienced the worst and most mortifying turn of fortune, he had not to preserve the well established prosperity of a flourishing state, but to draw his country from an abyss of misery and raise it to happiness. Besides, the successes of Cimon, the victories of Myronides and Leocrates, and the many great achievements of Tolmides, rather furnished occasion to Pericles, during his administration, to entertain the city with feasts and games, than to make new acquisitions, or to defend the old ones by arms. On the other hand, Fabius had the frightful objects before his eyes of defeat, and disgraces, of Romanity. Nor can Pericles on the other hand, be consuls and generals slain, of lakes, fields, and forests full of the dead carcases of whole armies, and of rivers flowing with blood down to the very sea. In this tottering and decayed condition of the commonwealth he was to support it by his counsels and his vigour, and to keep it from falling into absolute ruin, to which it was brought so near by the errors of former * Xylander is of opinion, that the word 03XOS commanders. in this place does not signify a spit but a piece of moIt may seem, indeed, a less arduous per-ney; and he shews from a passage in the life of Lysanformance to inanage the tempers of a people der, that money anciently was inade in a pyramídical form. But he did not consider that the irou money humbled by calamities, and compelled by newas not in use at Thebes, and Plutarch says that this cessity to listen to reason, than to restrain the obeliscus was of iron. said ever to have committed such an error as that of Fabius, when he suffered himself to be imposed on by Hannibal's stratagem of the oxen; let his enemy slip in the night through those straits in which he had been entangled by accident, and where he could not possibly have forced his way out; and as soon as it was day, saw himself repulsed by the man who so lately was at his mercy. If it is the part of a good general, not only to make a proper use of the present, but also to form the best judgment of things to come, it must be allowed that Pericles both foresaw and foretold what success the Athenians would have in the war, namely, that they would ruin themselves, by grasping at too much. But it was entirely against the opinion of Fabius, that the Romans sent Scipio into Africa, and yet they were victorious there; not by the favour of fortune, but by the courage and conduct of their general. So that the misfortunes of his country bore witness to the sagacity of Pericles; and from the glorious success of the Romans, it appeared that Fabius was utterly mistaken. And, indeed, it is an equal fault in a commander in chief, to lose an advantage through diffidence, as to fall into danger for want of foresight. For it is the same want of judgment and skill, that sometimes produces too much confidence, and sometimes leaves too little. Thus far concerning their abilities in war. And if we consider them in their political capacity, we shall find that the greatest fault laid to the charge of Pericles, was, that he caused the Peloponnesian war, through opposition to the Lacedæmonians, which made him unwilling to give up the least point to them. I do not suppose, that Fabius Maximus would have given up any point to the Carthaginians, but that he would generously have run the last risk to maintain the dignity of Rome. light the conduct of Pericles, in his implacable persecution of Cimon and Thucydides, valuable men, and friends to the aristocracy, and yet banished by his practices and intrigues. Besides, the power of Pericles was much greater than that of Fabius; and therefore he did not suffer any misfortune to be brought upon Athens by the wrong measures of other generals. Tolmides only carried it against him for attacking the Baotians, and in doing it, he was defeated and slain. All the rest adhered to his party, and submitted to his opinion, on account of his superior authority, whereas Fabius, whose measures were salutary and safe, as far as they depended upon himself, appears only to have fallen short, by his inability to prevent the miscarriages of others. For the Romans would not have had so many misfor tunes to deplore, if the power of Fabius had been as great in Rome, as that of Pericles in Athens. As to their liberality and public spirit, Pericles shewed it in refusing the sums that were offered him, and Fabius in ransoming his soldiers with his own money. This, indeed, was no great expense, being only about six talents.* But it is not easy to say what a treasure Pericles might have amassed from the allies, and from kings who made their court to him, on account of his great authority; yet no man ever kept himself more free from corruption. As for the temples, the public edifices, and other works, with which Pericles adorned Athens, all the structures of that kind in Rome put together, until the times of the Cæsars, deserved not to be compared with them, either in the greatness of the design, or the excel The mild and moderate behaviour of Fabius to Minucius, sets in a very disadvantageous ❘lence of the execution. ALCIBIADES. THOSE that have searched into the pedigree of Alcibiades, say, that Eurysaces, the son of Ajax, was founder of the family; and that, by his mother's side, he was descended from Alcmeon: for Dinemache, his mother, was the daughter of Megacles, who was of that line. His father Clinias gained great honour in the sea-fight of Artemisium, where he fought in a galley fitted out at his own expense, and afterwards was slain in the battle of Coronæa, where the Boeotians won the day. Pericles and Ariphron, the sons of Zanthippus, and near relations to Alcibiades, were his guardians. It is said, (and not without reason) that the affection and attachment of Socrates contributed much to his fame. For Nicias, Demosthenes,Lamachus, Phormio, Thrasybulus, Theramenes, were illustrious persons, and his contemporaries, yet we do not so much as know the name of the mother of either of them; whereas we know even the nurse of Alcibiades, that she was of Lacedæmon, and that her name was Amycla; as well as that Zopyrus was his school-master; the one being recorded by Antisthenes, and the other by Plato. As to the beauty of Alcibiades, it may be sufficient to say, that it retained its charm through the several stages of childhood, youth, and manhood. For it is not universally true, what Euripides says, The very autumn of a form once fine Yet this was the case of Alcibiades, amongst a few others, by reason of his natural vigour and happy constitution. He had a lisping in his speech, which became him, and gave a grace and persuasive turn to his discourse. Aristophanes, in those verses wherein he ridicules Theoras, takes no tice, that Alcibiades lisped, for instead of calling him Coraz, Raven, he called him Colax, Flatterer; from whence the poet takes occasion to observe, that the term in that lisping pronunciation, too, was very applicable to him. Probably this is an error of the transcribers. For Fabius was to pay two hundred and fifty drachmas for each prisoner, and he ransomed two hundred and fortyseven; which would stand him in sixty-one thousand seven hundred and fifty drachmas, that is more than ten talents; a very considerable expense to Fabius, which he could not answer without selling his estate. With this agrees the satirical description which, a stroke of his stick, in Sibyrtius's place of Archippus gives of the son of Alcibiades: With sauntering step, to imitate his father, This appears His manners were far from being uniform; nor "like a lion." At One day he was playing at dice with other boys, in the street; and when it came to his turn to throw, a loaded wagon came up. first he called to the driver to stop, because he was to throw in the way over which the wag on was to pass. The rustic disregarding him and driving on, the other boys broke away; but Alcibiades threw himself upon his face directly before the wagon, and stretching himself out, bade the fellow drive on if he pleased. Upon this, he was so startled that he stopped his horses, while those that saw it ran up to him with terror. exercise. But, perhaps, we should not give entire credit to these things, which were professedly written by an enemy, to defame him. Many persons of rank made their court to Alcibiades, but it is evident that they were charmed and attracted by the beauty of his person. Socrates was the only one whose regards were fixed upon the mind, and bore witness to the young man's virtue and ingenuity; the rays of which he could distinguish through his fine form. And fearing lest the pride of riches and high rank, and the crowd of flatterers, both Athenians and strangers, should corrupt him, he used his best endeavours to prevent it, and took care that so hopeful a plant should not lose its fruit and perish in the very flower. If ever fortune so enclosed and fortified a man with what are called her goods, as to render him inaccessible to the incisionknife of philosophy, and the searching-probe of free advice, surely it was Alcibiades. From the first, he was surrounded with pleasures, and a multitude of admirers, determined to say nothing but what they thought would please, and to keep him from all admonition and reproof; yet, by his native penetration, he distinguished the value of Socrates, and attached himself to him, rejecting the rich and great, who sued for his regard. With Socrates he soon entered into the closest intimacy; and finding that he did not, like the rest of the unmanly crew, want improper favours, but that he studied to correct the errors of his heart, and to cure him of his empty and foolish arrogance, In the course of his education, he willingly took the lessons of his other masters, but refused learning to play upon the flute, which he looked upon as a mean art, and unbecoming a gentleman. "The use of the plectrum upon the lyre," he would say; "has nothing in it that Then his crest fell, and all his pride was gone. disorders the features or form, but a man is He droop'd the conquer'd wing. hardly to be known by his most intimate friends when he plays upon the flute. Besides, In fact, he considered the discipline of Sothe lyre does not hinder the performer from crates as a provision from heaven for the prespeaking or accompanying it with a song; servation and benefit of youth. Thus despiswhereas, the flute so engages the mouth and ing himself, admiring his friend, adoring his the breath, that it leaves no possibility of speak- wisdom, and revering his virtue, he insensibly ing. Therefore let the Theban youth pipe, who formed in his heart the image of love, or rather know not how to discourse; but we Athe- came under the influence of that power, who, nians, according to the account of our ances- as Plato says, secures his votaries from vicious tors, have Minerva for our patroness, and Apol- love. It surprised all the world to see him lo for our protector; one of whom threw away constantly sup with Socrates, take with him the flute, and the other stripped off the man's the exercise of wrestling, lodge in the same skin who played upon it."* Thus, partly by tent with him; while to his other admirers he raillery, and partly by argument, Alcibiades was reserved and rough. Nay, to some he kept both himself and others from learning to behaved with great insolence, to Anytus (for play upon the flute: for it soon became the instance) the son of Anthemion. Anytus was talk among the young men of condition, that very fond of him, and happening to make an Alcibiades was right in holding that art in entertainment for some strangers, he desired abomination, and ridiculing those that prac-Alcibiades to give him his company. Alcitised it. Thus it lost its place in the number | biades would not accept of the invitation, but of liberal accomplishments, and was univer- having drank deep with some of his acquaintsally exploded. ance at his own house, he went thither to play The frolic was this: He stood at some frolic. the door of the room where the guests were entertained, and seeing a great number of gold and silver cups upon the table, he ordered his servants to take half of them, and carry them to his own house; and then, not vouchsafing so much as to enter into the room himself: as soon as he had done this, he went away. The In the invective which Antipho wrote against Alcibiades, one story is, that when a boy, he ran away from his guardians to one of his friends named Democrates: and that Ariphron would have had proclamation made for him, had not Pericles diverted him from it, by saying, "If he is dead, we shall only find him one day the sooner for it; if he is safe, it will be a reproach to him as long as he lives." Another story is, that he killed one of his servants with * Marsyas. * Athenæus says, he did not keep them himself, but having taken them from this man, who was rich, he gave them to Thrasybulus, who was poor. company resented the affront, and said, he had behaved very rudely and insolently to Anytus. "Not at all," said Anytus, "but rather kindly, since he has left us half, when he knew it was in his power to take the whole." He behaved in the same manner to his other admirers, except only one stranger. This man (they tell us) was but in indifferent circumstances; for when he had sold all, he could make up no more than the sum of one hundred staters; which he carried to Alcibiades, and begged of him to accept it. Alcibiades was pleased at the thing, and smiling, invited him to supper. After a kind reception and entertainment, he gave him the gold again, but required him to be present the next day, when the public revenues were to be offered to farm, and to be sure and be the highest bidder. The man endeavouring to excuse himself, because the rent would be many talents, Alcibiades, who had a private pique against the old farmers, threatened to have him beaten if he refused. Next morning, therefore, the stranger appeared in the marketplace, and offered a talent more than the former rent. The farmers, uneasy and angry at this, called upon him to name his security, supposing that he could not find any. The poor man was indeed much startled, and going to retire with shame, when Alcibiades, who stood at some distance, cried out to the magistrates, "Set down my name; he is my friend, and I will be his security." When the old farmers of the revenue heard this, they were much perplexed; for their way was, with the profits of the present year to pay the rent of the preceding; so that, seeing no other way to extricate themselves out of the difficulty, they applied to the stranger in a humble strain, and offered him money. But Alcibiades would not suffer him to take less than a talent, which accordingly was paid. Having done him this service, he told him he might relinquish his bargain. Though Socrates had many rivals, yet he kept possession of Alcibiades's heart by the excellence of his genius and the pathetic turn of his conversation, which often drew tears from his young companion. And though sometimes he gave Socrates the slip, and was drawn away by his flatterers, who exhausted all the art of pleasure for that purpose, yet the philosopher took care to hunt out his fugitive, who feared and respected none but him; the rest he held in great contempt. Hence that saying of Cleanthes, Socrates gains Alcibiades by the ear, and leaves to his rivals other parts of his body, with which he scorns to meddle. In fact, Alcibiades was very capable of being led by the allurements of pleasure; and what Thucydides says concerning his excesses in The stater was a coin which weighed four Attic drachmas, and was either of gold or silver. The silver was worth about two shillings and six pence sterling. The stater daricus, a gold coin, was worth twelve shillings and three-pence half-penny: but the Attic stater of gold must be worth much more, if we reckon the proportion of gold to silver only at ten to one, as it was then: whereas now it is about sixteen to one. Dacier, then, is greatly mistaken, when he says the stater here mentioned by Plutarch was worth only forty French sols; for Plutarch says expressly, that these staters were of gold. his way of living, gives occasion to believe so. Those who endeavoured to corrupt him, attacked him on a still weaker side, his vanity and love of distinction, and led him into vast designs and unseasonable projects, persuading him, that as soon as he should apply himself to the management of public affairs, he would not only eclipse the other generals and orators, but surpass even Pericles himself, in point of reputation, as well as interest with the powers of Greece. But as iron, when softened by the fire, is soon hardened again, and brought to a proper temper by cold water, so, when Alcibiades was enervated by luxury, or swoln with pride, Socrates corrected and brought him to himself by his discourses; for from them he learned the number of his defects and the imperfection of his virtue. When he was past his childhood, happening to go into a grammar-school, he asked the master for a volume of Homer; and upon his making answer that he had nothing of Homer's, he gave him a box on the ear, and so left him. Another schoolmaster telling him he had Homer corrected by himself: "How!" said Alcibiades, "and do you employ your time in teaching children to read? you who are able to correct Homer, might seem to be fit to instruct men." One day, wanting to speak to Pericles, he went to his house, and being told there that he was busied in considering how to give in his accounts to the people, and therefore not at leisure; he said, as he went away, He had better consider how to avoid giving in any account at all." Whilst he was yet a youth, he made the campaign at Potidea, where Socrates lodged in the same tent with him, and was his companion in every engagement. In the principal battle, they both behaved with great gallantry; but Alcibiades at last falling down wounded, Socrates advanced to defend him, which he did effectually, in the sight of the whole army, saving both him and his arms. For this the prize of valour was certainly due to Socrates, yet the generals inclined to give it to Alcibiades, on account of his quality; and Socrates, willing to encourage his thirst after true glory, was the first who gave his suffrage for him, and pressed them to adjudge him the crown and the complete suit of armour. On the other hand, at the battle of Delium, where the Athenians were routed, and Socrates, with a few others, was retreating on foot, Alcibiades observing it, did not pass him, but covered his retreat, and brought him safe off, though the enemy pressed furiously forward, and killed great numbers of the Athenians. But this happened a considerable time after. To Hipponicus, the father of Callias, a man respectable both for his birth and fortune, Alcibiades one day gave a box on the ear; not that he had any quarrel with him, or was heated by passion, but purely because, in a wanton frolic, he had agreed with his companions to do so. The whole city being full of the story Laches, as introduced by Plato, tells us, that if others had done their duty as Socrates did his, the Athenians would not have been defeated in the battle of Delium. That battle was fought the first year of the eighty-ninth olympiad, eight years after the battle of Potidea. |