should be defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland jointly, according to such proportions as shall be established by the respective parliaments previous to the union; and that, after the expiration of the time to be so limited, the proportions shall not be liable to be varied, except according to such rates and principles as shall be in like manner agreed upon previous to the union.

"8. That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that all laws in force at the time of the union, and that all the courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms, shall remain as now by law established within the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations, from time to time, as circumstances may appear to the parliament of the United Kingdom to require.

"That the foregoing resolutions be laid before his Majesty, with an humble address, assuring his Majesty that we have proceeded with the utmost attention to the consideration of the important objects recommended to us in his Majesty's gracious message.

"That we entertain a firm persuasion that a complete and entire union between Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles, on the similarity of laws, constitution, and government, and on a sense of mutual interests and affections, by promoting the security, wealth, and commerce of the respective kingdoms, and by allaying the distractions which have unhappily prevailed in Ireland, must afford fresh means of opposing at all times an effectual resistance to the destructive projects of our foreign and domestic enemies, and must tend to confirm and augment the stability, power, and resources of the empire.

"Impressed with these considerations, we feel it our duty humbly to lay before his Majesty such propositions as appear to us best calculated to form the basis of such a settlement, leaving it to his Majesty's wisdom, at such time and in such manner as his Majesty, in his parental solicitude for the happiness of his people, shall judge fit, to communicate these propositions to his parliament of Ireland, with whom we shall be at all times ready to concur in all such measures as may be found most conducive to the accomplishment of this great and salutary work. And we trust that, after full and mature consideration, such a settlement may be framed and established, by the deliberative consent of the parliaments of both kingdoms, as may be conformable to the sentiments, wishes, and real interests of his Majesty's faithful subjects of Great Britain and Ireland, and may unite them inseparably in the full enjoyment of the blessings of our free and invaluable constitution, in the support of the honour and dignity of his Majesty's crown, and in the preservation and advancement of the welfare and prosperity of the whole British empire."

Mr. Sheridan moved an amendment. His arguments were pointless, and in the leadership he had taken in the opposition to the union, he seems to have been any thing but brilliant. His resolutions were

"That no measures could have a tendency to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity between Great Britain and Ireland which have not for their basis the fair and free approbation of the parliaments of the two countries.

"That whoever shall endeavour to obtain such approbation, in either country, by employing the influence of government for the purposes of corruption or intimidation, was an enemy to his Majesty and the constitution."

After Lord Hawkesbury had arraigned Mr. Sheridan with inconsistency, and Dr. Lawrence had defended him, the house divided. Ayes, 140; noes, 15.

On Thursday, the 7th of February, Mr. Pitt moved the order of the day for the house to resolve itself into a committee, in order to take into farther consideration his Majesty's most gracious message respecting the proposed union with Ireland.

Waiving his privilege to address the house, the Chancellor gave place to Mr. Sheridan. The gist of his speech went to prove that, with all its corruption, a native legislature was still better suited to find out and apply remedies to the numerous evils with which all admitted that Ireland was afflicted, than a British parliament. He denied the assertion, that we had no alternative but division and separation, or union. The real alternative, he said, was, that the Irish government should ne longer continue to be a corrupt English job. It had been asserted that there was some innate depravity in the Irish character which rendered them unfit to have a parliament of their own. This he utterly denied, and contended that the corruption complained of was obvious: the government of Ireland had been made a job of for the advantage of the British minister. The right honourable gentleman had contended that Ireland was helpless and dependent. He had threatened the country with a measure which it detested, and which must drive the people to take every precaution against the corruption and intimidation with which he menaced them. He had said that Ireland would obtain great commercial advantages in consequence of a union, and that the situation of the Catholics and Dissenters would be improved; but he had not said why these ameliorations would not take place without a union. After some more observations of the same kind, Mr. Sheridan moved resolutions, similar to those he had proposed on the former debate.

Mr. Pitt replied, and Mr. Grey, Mr. Jones, and Mr. Sheridan followed; after which the house divided on Mr. Chancellor Pitt's motion. For the previous question, 141; against it, 25. Strangers were then excluded the gallery, and on their readmission

The Hon. St. A. St. John was speaking against the question for the Speaker's leaving the chair.

Mr. Grey followed, and very ably opposed the arguments used by those in favour of the proposed measure. Great evils, he admitted, existed in Ireland; but did they owe their origin to the legislature of Ireland? That Ireland had an independent legislature was true; and that with that legislature great calamities had happened in that country, was also true; but he did not think that because these two things were co-existent, that therefore the one of them must be considered as the cause and the other the effect. "Look," said Mr. Grey, "at the history of Ireland, and you will find that if it had not been for the interference of

British councils and of British intrigue, none, or but few, of the evils which were felt, would ever have taken place-evils of which government was the parent, and which were now made the reason for taking away all the semblance of liberty among the Irish people. All the feuds and religious animosities and dissensions which had distracted Ireland had been caused by government; and yet government was making use of these evils as a pretext for taking away the liberty of the people of Ireland." The next circumstance which Mr. Grey took notice of was the objection which the right honourable gentleman stated to two independent parliaments; as an argument against which he had quoted the case of the regency. But what, said he, was the case of the regency? The parliament of Ireland vested in the heir apparent the full power of a regent, without any restriction. The parliament of this country had voted the same person, but with certain limitations and restrictions; but the two countries were by no means alike. England there was a vast deal of power and influence which attached to the sovereignty, independent of that which is properly to be called government ;-in Ireland there was none. Mr. Grey concluded with some general observations upon the situation of affairs on the Continent.

In

The speeches of Mr. Secretary Dundas in favour of the measure now before the house, and the arguments of Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Tierney against the projected union, had nothing of reasoning novelty.

In the course of his address to the house, the latter speaker observed, that "the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Dundas), who had drawn so many arguments from the prosperous state of Scotland, had confounded himself with his country, and had endeavoured to prove the benefits which had followed to Scotland, by a statement of the prosperity which had flowed upon himself. Indeed, the whole of his argument seemed calculated to persuade the Irish parliament to engage in the present measure, as likely to turn out a good speculation for themselves.

These remarks of Mr. Tierney had nearly led to a parliamentary brouillerie.

Mr. Secretary Dundas said a few words in explanation, and contended, that he did not say that the imperial parliament would be a good field of enterprise and adventure to the members of the Irish parliament. Therefore, he said, the honourable gentleman must permit him to say, it was impertinent in him to put words into his mouth he had never used.

Mr. Tierney said, "Does the right honourable gentleman mean to call my observation impertinent?"

A cry-"The question, the question!"

Mr. Tierney said, he considered such language unparliamentary.

Mr. Grey said, he believed his honourable friend had been misled by his momentary warmth, and he thought Mr. Dundas did not use the expression.

Mr. Dundas explained.

Mr. Tierney expressed himself satisfied with the explanation.

Mr. Speaker acknowledged, that the expression, as it had been used, did not appear to him to be parliamentary. Mr. W. Grant spoke in favour of the motion. Mr. W. Smith said a few words on the subject. The house then divided

On Monday, February 11, Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved the order of the day for the house going into a committee for the further consideration of his Majesty's message; which being read, and the Speaker having moved that the same be taken into consideration

Mr. Sheridan rose, and said it was not his intention at present to oppose the Speaker's leaving the chair, for the purpose of preventing the house from resuming the consideration of his Majesty's message. After delivering a long and desultory address, which certainly was not among his happiest displays, Mr. Sheridan concluded by moving— "That it be an instruction to the committee to consider how far it would be consistent with justice or policy, and conducive to the general interests, and especially to the consolidation of the strength of the British empire, were civil incapacities, on account of religious distinctions, to be done away throughout his Majesty's dominions."

Mr. Pitt said, that of all the speeches he had ever heard the honourable gentleman make in that house, that which he had just concluded was the most extraordinary; for he began it by saying, that though he rose to move an instruction to the committee, yet he did not think any was necessary, and that it was equally competent to him to propose his motion in the committee itself; and on this account he would not oppose the Speaker's leaving the chair. From this strange mode of proceeding, he said, he could hardly think that the honourable gentleman had any serious intention of persisting in his motion.

A very lengthened debate succeeded, during which many speakers addressed the house. The advantages derived by Scotland from her union with Britain had been principally dwelt upon by the minister and his supporters, while the gentlemen in opposition denied all analogy in the respective cases of the countries.

Dr. Lawrence contended, that the advantages to be derived from a union were reciprocal to England and Ireland, and that the control of England over the legislature of Ireland, by means of the royal prerogative of assent and dissent, was sufficient to prevent any ill consequences from the present form of its government. It had been urged, that the union was a measure calculated to heal the disquiets of the country, and calm the discords among the various contending sects; but why was it to be done by means of a union? There were other modes, and by the conduct pursued in Lord Fitzwilliam's short administration it plainly appeared that the people of Ireland were anxious to have the remedies proposed by that nobleman.

The Scotch Union had been urged as an argument in favour of the present measure, but this he would not admit as by any means analo

gous. Το prove this, he went into a very long historical detail. He concluded by wishing the house most seriously to consider the mischiefs that were likely to ensue by pursuing a line of conduct inimical to the wishes, and contradictory to the resolutions, of the Irish nation. He should, he said, object to the Speaker's leaving the chair. The house then divided

For the Speaker's leaving the chair 131

Against it

The house then resolved itself into a committee pro formâ, and, being resumed, the committee asked leave to sit again the next day.

On the 12th of February, the order of the day being read for the house to go into a committee upon his Majesty's message respecting the Union with Ireland, the resolutions formerly proposed by Mr. Pitt on the 31st of January, were brought forward seriatim before the committee.

The first, second, third, fourth, and fifth resolutions were then read by the chairman, and agreed to without any objection. The question being put upon the sixth resolution, which goes to grant an equality of privileges in trade and navigation, &c. to Ireland; and the seventh, as not expressing the exact taxation which should take place between the two countries as soon as the union should be effected, were debated and agreed to.

When the house was resumed, the report was ordered to be received on the Thursday following (14th February).

It would be tedious to give even a summary of a protracted debate, of which the result was that the house divided on the question for bringing up the report: for it, 120; against it, 16; majority, 104. The house then proceeded to the consideration of the report, and the first resolution was read and agreed to.

Mr. Tierney objected to the other resolutions as unnecessary, the great object of shewing to the people of Ireland the disposition of the house towards a union being attained. He particularly objected to the sixth resolution, relative to the commercial regulations, because he might be instructed by his constituents to oppose it.

The right hon. S. Douglas supported the resolution, as necessary to shew the intention of parliament.

Mr. Wilberforce Bird, right hon. D. Ryder, Mr. Tierney, Sir W. Geary, and Mr. J. H. Browne, said each of them a few words on different sides of the question.

The resolutions were then agreed to with some amendments; and The Chancellor moved that a message be sent to the Lords, requesting a conference respecting the means of perpetuating and improving the connection between the two countries, which was ordered. On the following Monday (22nd April), the address from the Lords on the subject of the proposed union was read in the Commons. The debate which followed was, with trifling exceptions, confined to similar