A STORM AT SEA. II. 29 them with, more than they had on their backs, and CHAP. some scarce a penny about them, all they had being on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and 1608. any thing they had they would have given to have been on shore again. But all in vain; there was no remedy; they must thus sadly part; and afterwards endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at their port; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars, and were driven to the coast of Norway; the mariners themselves often despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, and they sinking without recovery. But when man's hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and mercy appeared for their recovery; for the ship rose again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage her; and if modesty' would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in this great distress, especially some of them, even without any great distraction. When the water ran into their very ears and mouths, and the mariners cried out, "We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miraculous, yet with a great height of divine faith, “Yet, Lord, thou canst save; yet, Lord, thou canst save: with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every one cannot understand, and in the end brought them to their desired haven; where the people came flock 1 From this expression, as well as from the whole passage, there can hardly be a doubt that Brad ford himself was in the vessel. 30 ARRIVAL IN HOLLAND. CHAP. ing, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been II. so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the master's friends had related unto him in their congratulations.1 1608. But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the men that were in the greatest danger made shift to escape away before the troop could surprise them, those only staying that best might, to be assistant to the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor women in this distress; what weeping and crying on every side; some for their husbands that Cotton Mather, in the Magnalia, i. 101, 102, records this and the previous attempt to escape from England; but he perversely transposes their chronological order; the effect of which is to make it appear that Bradford was imprisoned in Boston after he had escaped to Holland. He did not derive his information from Bradford's original manuscript but from this copy of it in the records of Plymouth church, which he cursorily examined when on his visits to his uncle, John Cotton, the minister of that church. Mather did not know how to use his valuable materials, and took no pains to ascertain his facts or verify his statements. One instance of his utter disregard of accuracy, even when it could be easily attained, will suffice. In his Life of his father, Increase Mather, he states, p. 24, that he married the only daughter of John Cotton; whilst in the Magnalia, i. 260, he asserts that Cotton had three daughters, two of whom were married. One would have thought that he might have taken the trouble to find the exact truth about such a simple fact as this, relating to his own mother. And yet Cotton Mather is universally cited by Europeans, as well as by our own countrymen, who undertake to write our history, not only as an authority, but as the highest authority. This has been the case from Neal and Robertson downwards. De Tocqueville, whose selection of authorities is in all other respects singularly judicious, puts the Magnalia at the head, calling it "the most valuable and important document on the history of New England; and Grahame, whose excellent History of the United States evinces great discrimination, calls it "the most considerable of the early historical works, and the most interesting performance that the literature of New England has ever produced. The biographical portions, in particular," he adds, possess the highest excellence, and are superior in dignity and interest to the compositions of Plutarch." It is quite time that it was generally understood that Cotton Mather is not to be relied upon as an authority for any fact, unsupported by other evidence. Mr. Savage, the learned editor of Winthrop's Journal, states the simple truth when he says, that "Cotton Mather has published more errors of carelessness than any other writer on the history of New Eng land." De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, p. 424; Grahame, i. 415; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 24. 66 THE WOMEN LEFT BEHIND. 31 II. were carried away in the ship, as it was before related; CHAP. others not knowing what should become of them and their little ones; others melted in tears, seeing their 1608. poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice to another, until, in the end, they knew not what to do with them. For to imprison so many women and innocent children for no other cause, many of them, but that they would1 go with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of them; and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged (as the truth was) they had no homes to go to, for they had sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied and tired with them; though, in the mean time, the poor souls endured misery enough; and thus in the end necessity forced a way for them. But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omit the rest, although I might relate other notable passages and troubles which they endured and underwent in these their wanderings and travels, both at land and sea.2 2 But I haste to other things. Yet I may not omit the fruit that came hereby. For by these so fit to preserve the particulars of 32 RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION. CHAP. public troubles in so many eminent places1 their cause became famous, and occasioned many to look into the 1608. same; and their godly carriage and christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at those first conflicts and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly animated others; and in the end, notwithstanding all these storms of opposition, they all got over at length, some at one time and some at another, and met together again, according to their desires, with no small rejoicing. in their history. But these humble cutions. They were not aware that they were to be the germs of a great empire. 1 Boston, Hull, and Grimsby. CHAPTER III. OF THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER OF III. BEING now come into the Low Countries, they saw CHAP. many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with troops of armed men. Also they heard 1608. a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the different manners and customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attires; all so far differing from that of their plain country villages, wherein they were bred and born and had so long lived, as it seemed they were come into a new world. But those were not the things they much looked on, or long took up their thoughts; for they had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage and maintain. For though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of wealth and riches, yet it was not long before they saw the grim and griseled1 face of poverty coming on them like an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they could not fly. But they were armed with him and all his encounters; faith and patience against |