of the wrong done to his Lordship by these misled and deluded people, that they assisted most willingly and efficiently in taking possession. Ilis Lordship's estates in that county are almost exclusively occupied by Roman Catholics, and the parties assisting in taking possession were all of that denomination. They are all treated with the utmost kindness and consideration, their wants supplied most liberally, and their condition in every respect improved by most careful and exact superintendence; and I am sure he has not a single tenant on his very extensive estates in that county, who does not know him to be a kind and as liberal a landlord as any either in England or in Ireland. For myself, as his Lordship's agent, it is not for me to defend my own conduct by praising myself, but I should be most happy to be judged on the question of, whether I act with cruelty or oppression, by the tenantry on that very estate. I have been now an agent over very large properties in Ireland for upwards of twenty years, and I cannot call to my recollection one solitary instance where I ever was accused even of

either cruelty or oppression; in the present case the blame of advising, if blame there be, rests entirely with me; but on the calmest consideration of the subject, were I to have it to do, instead of having done it, I could not conscientiously recommend any other course than that which has been adopted."

Mr. O'Connell had stated fifty-three families, but had been reported as having said 253.

BANK OF IRELAND.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the Order of the Day for the House resolving itself into committee on the Bank of Ireland Bill.

Mr. O'Connell expressed his determination to oppose the bill by every means in his power. He moved, as an amendment, the "order of the second reading of the Poddle River, Dublin, Bill." He thought he might appeal to the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, whether the House was now in the situation it ought to be, in order to discuss so important a question to the trade and commerce of Ireland. The House was now thin, and before going into committee, the dinner hour would have arrived, and he would appeal to hon. Members whether it would not then require all the influence that Ministers could exert to keep forty Members in the House. Nearly 600 of the Members had left town, and he would submit, therefore, that it was unjust to the people of Ireland to force the bill forward. No reason had been stated why the bill had not been brought forward sooner. The report on which it was

and full five before the commencement of the present Session; and, with all this information, the first intimation of proceeding with the bill was extorted from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, by the hon. Member for Drogheda, on the 14th of July last. The impression had gone abroad in Ireland, that it was not intended to keep up the monopoly, and it was not until the time he had adverted to, that the least intimation had been given of the intention to continue it. Was it not important that the people of Ireland should have an opportunity of giving their opinions on this subject? Certainly it was; and yet here they were moving to go into committee on the bill when it was only ordered to be printed on the second of the present month, and was not circulated till the fourth. There was a practical delusion in the bill itself. It contained a clause by which it was enacted, that the bill was to be altered or even repealed by any bill to be introduced in the present Session. He would show the House that there was a strong delusion practised upon the people of Ireland. In the 13th section, page 9, there was a marginal note, stating, that "Banks issuing notesat places fifty miles from Dublin, may have houses of business within that limit for all purposes, except the issue or re-issue of such notes," while the text was quite at variance from it, only limiting such banks " to have another house or houses of business in Dublin, or within the said distance of Dublin, and to pay thereat their said. bills or notes payable on demand, for the purpose of withdrawing them from circulation in Dublin." This was a very different thing, and might easily mislead a person looking over the Act with ordinary attention, for few people looked beyond the the margin, unless specially interested. His constituents complained also that this measure went to give a body of individuals greater power over the mercantile classes, which they used in the capacity of political partisans. [No, no!] He stated the fact on the authority of Mr. Staunton, the proprietor of the Morning Register in Dublin (than whom there was not a more trustworthy man alive), that the Bank of Ireland had refused to discount bills of the most unexceptionable nature, because the person who presented them had takena partagainst this bill. [Name!] Mr. Staunton knew the fact, and was ready to state the name. This was the way the Bank used its immense power to crush political discussion in Dublin. There were

the Session. He asked on what ground the right hon. Gentleman could not give sufficient time for considering the matter? Did he not know that several counties were meeting to-day, and that others would meet to-morrow on the subject? Although the right hon. Gentleman had said that he would do something, the bill had been postponed from time to time, until it was the general belief, that nothing would be done, and he really believed that the right hon. Gentleman at last entertained that opinion himself. If it had been his intention to bring in the bill, how could he have hesitated and vacillated in the manner he had done? He would appeal to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to grant more time. Was he afraid the subject would not bear inquiry? If it was a measure which would tend to the interest of Ireland, advocates would not be wanting to support it; but it was a bad measure, and contained that which was injurious to Ireland, and therefore the right hon. Gentleman was anxious to press it forward. The present, no doubt, was a good bargain for the Bank of Ireland; but it was a most injurious one to the people of that country, whom he considered to have been most unjustly treated by this measure. The people of England, too, were left in the dark as to what they ought to know by it. Why, he would ask, should not an inquiry take place as to whether it would or not be proper to adopt the same system of banking in Ireland as at present existed in Scotland? All this might be taken into consideration if the right hon. Member would only postpone the measure to the next Session, and that would give the people of Ireland an opportunity of fairly and freely expressing their opinions. He thought the present discussion ought to have taken place upon the previous stage of the bill, and he could assure the House, that he would never have been persuaded, as his hon. Friend the Member for Dublin had been, to allow the Chancellor of the Exchequer to advance the bill a stage without opposition. On these grounds he concurred entirely with the amendment of the hon. Member for Dublin. He entreated the right hon. Gentleman to withdraw the bill for the Session, and not compel them to occupy the time of the House by further opposition. If the bill was postponed to the next Session, all parties would be satisfied. Upwards of fifteen trivial measures had already been postponed, and he could not see why the same course should not be adopted with this important measure.

Sir W. Somerville had been taken by surprise by the bill, and his constituents had been taken by surprise. He had been given to understand by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that this monopoly was not to be renewed in all its force. He was in a condition to prove, that he entertained that opinion, and that the right hon. Member knew that he entertained that opinion. His constituents were under that impression, and the right hon. Member knew it. As he knew nothing of the present bill till about three weeks ago, he asked, was it fair in this hurried manner to thrust a bill of this kind through the House before the people of Ireland had had the opportunity of considering it? As he knew he should appeal to the right hon. Gentleman in vain, he would appeal to Gentlemen of all parties around them to lay aside the merits of the question, and, on the grounds that he had stated, to refuse to go into committe.

Mr. Redington expressed his surprise, that the right hon. Gentleman should bring forward such a bill at this period of the Session. It had gone on too fast already, and he should do all in his power to oppose it.

Mr. D. Browne had been requested by his constituents to give his most stringent opposition to this bill. He did not think it right, at so late a period of the Session, to smuggle so important a measure through the House, before the people had had the opportunity of petitioning against it. Under all the circumstances, the bill had very much the appearance of being a job, and the supporters of it seemed ashamed of it.

Mr. T. Attwood said, the fact was, the right hon. Gentleman was in debt to the Bank of Ireland two millions and a half, and there were, therefore, two millions and a half of reasons why he should proceed as he did in this singular and ill-timed way. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was not a free agent in this business, for he was dealing with his creditor. If the right hon. Gentleman would pay his debts to the Bank of England and to the Bank of Ireland, he would be able to his duty to the country and to his Sovereign; but now he was literally legislating in fetters. He should oppose this measure by all the means in his power.

The House divided on the original question :-Ayes 17; Noes 55: Majority 38. Order of the Day for the Committee read. On the question that the Speaker do now leave the Chair,

Mr. O'Connell felt it his duty to take every means in his power to delay the bill, because five times had he taunted the Chancellor of the Exchequer with the delay in bringing in the bill; but five times had the right hon. Gentleman thought proper to slur it over and say not one word upon the subject, because common sense would not bear him out. There was no analogy between the Bank of Ireland, and the Bank of England-in fact, the former was an incubus upon the latter, for although he, in accordance with opinions of the Attorneys-general and Solicitors-general for England and Ireland, thought the notes of the Bank of England a. legal tender in Ireland, the bill before the House declared those opinions wrong, and made them no legal tender. But supposing they were upon all fours, had the Bank of England power to issue one single one-pound note? The measure was totally indefensible, as was seen by the desertion of the Treasury benches, by all that were not obliged to be there. Why did the Chancellor of the Exchequer confine himself to Dublin-would he dare to make the same experiment in Edinburgh? In Scotland joint-stock banking and prosperity had been concomitant at least-he had a good right then to say, that the one was dependent on the other. What was the case in Ireland? A country with a climate infinitely superior to Scotland for agricultural purposes, was in poverty and distress, being without the benefits of jointstock banking-Scotland enjoying that system, was in almost unexampled prosperity. Had he not a right to say the one was dependent upon the other? The Chancellor of the Exchequer defended himself by saying, the public had been defrauded to a great extent by over issuing. He did not deny that; but the monopoly of the Bank of Ireland was the cause of it, as their charter limited the partners of a bank to six only-so that in place of the public having the security of 200 bankers, they often only had that of two. When all those difficulties occurred, the Bank of Ireland was in possession of all its privileges and monopolies. They stood the storm-but how? Why, by giving fresh and newer promises to pay for those sent in for payment. It was a well known fact in history, that there was no deep injuryno moral stab ever aimed at poor Ireland, that was not proposed by an Irishman. It appeared, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer intended, that as far as he was concerned, it should always be so. He had

never objected to any, even the most stringent measure, nor would he object to any one that satisfied the Legislature, for compelling joint-stock banks to give the fullest security; but though the public ought to be secured, they ought not to set up the Bank of Ireland at the expense of the jointstock-banks, as well as the public. He felt he had trespassed too long on the empty benches--but he had endeavoured to vindicate what he thought due to Ireland. It struck him that since the world began, there never was a more unfounded demand than that made by this bill. The subject ought to be brought forward, at a period of the Session when the House was thronged, and when the question might be discussed to the advantage of all parties. He should, therefore, move as an amendment, that the House resolve itself into Committee, that day three months.

Mr. Gisborne could not understand why the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, should think this such a light matter as not to be worthy of discussion. The course of the right hon. Gentleman on this subject had been somewhat devious, and he should wish to pursue it through some of its windings. That right hon. Gentleman had been chairman of a committee appointed to inquire into this subject, and the report of that committee he should presume, had been drawn up by the chairman. In that report it was stated, that one of the subjects to be inquired into, was the expediency or inexpediency of the privileges of the bank being continued; that the committee were of opinion the 1st of Victoria Chap.39, should be renewed for one year, and that Parliament should be placed in such a situation as to be free to adopt in the next Session, such legislative measures as on deliberation might seem to be most expedient. That having been the recommendation of the committee, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the 16th of July, when the assizes were coming, and three-fifthsof the Members had paired off and gone out of town, announced his intention of renewing the monopoly of the Bank of Ireland. Many Irish Members were absent, and out of the whole 105 Irish Members, there were only two in the House who supported the Chancellor of the Exchequer-the right hon. the learned Recorder for Dublin, and the hon. Member for Antrim, but who were not regular supporters of the Government. If the argu ment of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in. favour of the monopoly to be conferred by

this bill was good for Dublin, it would be also good for London. He opposed the motion for going into Committee, because he was sure the bill would not effect the objects in view, and also on account of the impossibility of the Chancellor of the Exchequer knowing what were the sentiments of the Irish representatives. And he opposed it also, because it would conclude the whole question. If the amendment of the hon. and learned Member should be rejected, he would move, as another amendment, that leave be given to bring in a bill to renew for one year, or further postpone until January 1841, the further payment of advances to the Bank of Ireland.

Mr. Clay wished to take this opportunity of referring to some statements made by him on a former occasion on the subject of banking in America, because those statements had been impugned, and because he believed that the House at that time thought the arguments to be drawn from the experience of America were not so important as they really were. It would be in the recollection of the House, that in answer to the arguments of the hon. Member for Kilkenny, who asserted that there could be no over-issues with a free trade in banking, with banks issuing in competition one with another, all being liable to pay notes, at the will of the holder, in specie-it would be recollected, that in answer to that statement, he referred to the example of America, where the system of free banking existed. The hon. Member for Wolverhampton endeavoured to show that there was no analogy, because the currency laws of America were not similar to those of England. Now, if it were true, that there was any essential difference in the laws which regulated the currency of America and this country, then the argument which he drew from the analogy of the two countries would fall to the ground. But the statements of the two hon. Members were founded on complete misapprehension. If there was any difference, it was in the greater stringency of the law of America. The banks of America, neglecting to pay on demand, were chargeable with 24 per cent. interest. The mode in which the interest was enforced was this. An action of assumpsit was brought, and on judgment being obtained, execution issued not only against chattels, but against land. The result was, that in the United States, where joint-stock banks were conducted on the soundest principles, the most remarkable over-issue ever known in the commercial world did take

place during the years 1804-5-6, attended with a degree of excitement and overtrading, without parallel in the annals of the world, followed by a re-action as remarkable, and one operation of which was, that every one of these banks stopped payment. These results were certain to follow from joint-stock banks issuing in competition one with another. Competing banks, if they were all inclined to over-issue, could not check one another. It had been contended, that if there were no controlling central bank, over-issue would be checked by these banks watching the course of the foreign exchanges, and regulating their issues accordingly; but each bank would feel that its own individual operations could produce but very little effect on the course of foreign exchanges, and would ask why it should sacrifice itself and the interest of its proprietors, when others would not follow its example. The evidence of facts corroborated this assumption. If ever it was incumbent upon banks of every description to be backward in increasing their issues, it was during the course of the last season. Never had there been a period when it was more their duty to watch the course of the foreign exchanges, and to limit their issues. Now, what were the facts? In September, 1838, the circulation of the bank of England amounted to 19,360,000l., and the circulation of the private banks and the joint-stock banks amounted to 11,360,000l., and now, after a lapse of nine months, what was the state of the circulation? The circulation of the Bank of England amounted to 18,100,000l.; while the circulation of the private and the joint-stock banks amounted to 12,275,000l., thus, during a period of the greatest difficulty, when there had been a great importation of corn, and a great exportation of bullion, for the bullion in the coffers of the Bank had diminished nearly one-half, the Bank of England had diminished the circulation by 1,258,000l., whilst the private and joint-stock banks had increased theirs by 950,000l. What was the case with regard to the bill of his right hon. Friend? Why, he proposed, in the first place, to give certain advantages to the joint-stock banks of Ireland, which were most important, and which were entirely overlooked by Gentlemen opposed to the bill. He proposed to give them the power to sue and be sued by their Secretary, which was a great advantage, and one which the English joint-stock banks did not possess. He had in vain endeavoured to obtain a similar privilege for the London