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with the practice of the law of Scotland. But it would be obviously unsafe to rely on the continuance of such an accidental combination of legal acquirements in those who, for the time, may act as judges of appeal.
"For ensuring a due representation of the law of Scotland in the House of Lords, the committee find, on inquiry, that two proposals, and two only, have been at different times made.
"The Faculty are aware, that in the 6 Geo. IV. c. 66, provision is made for summoning the Scotch judges in the trial of peers, for crimes or offences committed in Scotland, before the High Court of Parliament, or the Court of the Lord High Steward. In the year 1834, Lord Brougham (then Chancellor) introduced a bill into the House of Lords for regulating the exercise of the appellate jurisdiction, in which this provision, or one conceived in similar terms, was made applicable to Scotch appeals. In 1842, Lord Campbell introduced three bills, one of which contained a clause providing for the summoning of the English equity judges, and upon that occasion his lordship is reported to have said, 1 I have not ventured to include the Scotch judges, on account of the distance of their residence; but it may be matter for future consideration whether they ought not to be included.'
"On the other hand, a proposal is said to have been made in 1825 or 1826, in the time of Lord Liverpool's administration, to give to some Scotch lawyer of eminence a seat in the House of Lords, but whether as a member of the House, or in the capacity of an assessor, the committee do not know. They believe, however, that the design has been so far matured, that the Right Hon. Charles Hope, late Lord President, was selected as the person to fill the new office. This proposal was repeated about the year 1834, when it was understood that the late Lord Corehouse was intended to be selected.
"The committee are not aware, that any other project has ever been formed, or at least publicly proposed, for attaining the end now in view; and they do not feel themselves in a condition to make any new suggestion. They will, therefore, confine themselves to a consideration of the two plans above mentioned.
"The committee are of opinion that the summoning of the Scotch judges to assist at the hearing of Scotch appeals is neither expedient nor practicable. In the present condition of the Scotch courts, when the judicial establishment has been reduced to the lowest point consistent with the business of the country being carried on with reasonable despatch, it would be quite impossible to provide for the temporary absence from Scotland of any one or more of the judges, without seriously disturbing the progress of business, and inflicting great injury and hardship on suitors. For this reason the committee think the plan impracticable. But farther, considering, that most of the important causes which are carried to appeal, are decided either by the whole court, or after a consultation of all the judges, it appears that the learned judges are, in some degree, disqualified for the formance of the duty for which they would be summoned, seeing that they have judged, or at least formed opinions, on the merits of the Hansard, vol. 60, p. 1247.
causes appealed, when they depended in the court below. There is the high authority of Lord Brougham for holding this to be a disqualification; for in introducing the bill of 1834, already mentioned, his lordship remarked, 1 It was necessary that the judges of the court of appeal should not be those whose decision was appealed against. And in a recent case 2 the same noble and learned lord took occasion to explain and enforce the objection at much greater length. For the reason now stated the committee think this plan inexpedient.
"But the Committee have arrived at an opposite conclusion, as regards the proposal, that a Scotch lawyer of the highest standing and eminence should be appointed to assist the House of Lords in the hearing of Scotch appeals. It is not for the Faculty to deal with the mode in which this proposal may be carried into execution, or to consider whether the holder of the new office should sit in the House of Lords as a member of that high tribunal, or in what other capacity. But, throwing out of view these matters of detail, the commitee are clearly and unanimously of opinion that such a judicial appointment is well calculated to attain the very important object in view.
"An objection has been suggested to the arrangement now proposed, on the ground that the hearing, or assisting in hearing Scotch appeals in the House of Lords would not afford sufficient occupation for the learned person appointed to this duty. The committee think the objection admits of a very easy and satisfactory answer. They are far from wishing that the judge who is to assist the House of Lords in hearing Scotch appeals should discharge any judicial functions in Scotland. On the contrary, they believe that the judgments on appeal, in which he might take part, would command higher respect and confidence, if he were altogether removed by residence from the possibility of local influence. But although the sphere of this judge's duty might be thus confined to London, the committee do not think it by any means follows, that his attention must necessarily be confined to Scotch appeals. They have been very much misinformed, if a Scotch lawyer of such eminence and ability as could alone be appointed to the office would not be welcomed as a most valuable coadjutor to the House of Lords in all their judicial business, and still more as a member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, in the trial of many cases which come before that tribunal involving the consideration of foreign, international, colonial, and consistorial law, for which it is not presumptuous to say, that the education of a thoroughly accomplished Scotch lawyer peculiarly fits him. Nor is it to be forgotten, in dealing with this objection, that a person so qualified, and occupying such a station, might with great propriety and benefit take a part in what may be called the legislative business of Scotland. "Upon the whole, therefore, the committee, while they would maintain unimpaired the Appellate Jurisdiction of the House of Lords, consider some change in the mode of dealing with Scotch appeals to be imperatively called for, and recommend to the Faculty the proposal
2 Hansard, vol. 25, p. 1258. 3 Norris v. Cottle, 6 Railway Cases, p. 327.
which they have endeavoured to explain as the best remedy for the existing evil which has hitherto been suggested, and of which the nature of the subject admits.
"It will be for the Faculty to consider, in the event of their approving of this Report, what course of action they ought to adopt, whether by addressing themselves to her Majesty's Government, or to both or either of the Houses of Parliament.
"Signed, in name and by appointment of the Committee,
"JOHN INGLIS, Convener." "July 16, 1851. "An adjourned meeting for resuming consideration of the foregoing Report having taken place,
"It was moved by Mr. H. J. Robertson, seconded by Mr. Craufurd That the Report of the committee be approved of, and that the Dean of Faculty and the Convener of the Committee be requested to proceed to London, in order to take such steps in reference to the Bill now pending in the House of Lords, as may seem to them best calculated to follow out the recommendations of the Report; and that the committee be re-appointed, with powers to take such other steps as they may think necessary for promoting the objects in view."
This document has been extensively circulated in Scotland, and we have been informed that the strongest feeling prevails there on the subject, not only among the members of the legal profession but also among the public generally. Educated men of all parties are agreed that the time has come when here, as in other of our imperial arrangements, there must be "law reform.” It cannot be disputed that the Report comes before us with the highest professional authority and under the most important legal sanctions. The significant fact that the bar, as the Report tells us, are here unanimous, joined to the truth and righteousness of the cause, and the undoubted feeling of the people, invest the movement with every authoritative and influential circumstance, entitling its numerous and unanimous supporters to willing, patient, and respectful attention.
The origin of the right of appeal from the Court of Session in Scotland to the British House of Lords is hidden in the most perplexing obscurity. Mr. Macqueen in his book tells us nothing that is clear or satisfactory on the subject. But the jurisdiction must now be treated as an incontrovertible fact not open to inquiry, and which it is not less the duty of Parliament than the interest of the Scotch people to maintain unimpaired. The Scotch bar are anxious that it should be so maintained; and if they at the same time desire that it should be made as efficient as possible for its high purpose, they must have the assent and sympathy of every candid, well-informed, and reasonable man, whether learned or lay, in England.
ART. IV.-EMINENT MEMBERS OF THE BAR.
HEN Mr. J. Payne Collier, in 1819, collected into one volume his "Criticisms on the Bar," which had first appeared in the columns of the "Examiner," he declined to answer the objections to his publication made by barristers; admitting that "he had heard no objections seriously stated, and argued to the fitness of subjecting barristers to critical inquiry, except from barristers themselves." Since his day the spirit of the bar has improved. Every member, who was the subject of his criticism, has disappeared from the list of advocates; many have since adorned the bench; some still live to adorn the senate. Fair and honest criticism was found not injurious to a Scarlett, a Best, a Piggot, a Gifford, a Denman, a Copley, a Romilly or a Brougham. The false fear has given way to a sounder feeling,-the merits of contemporary leaders are freely canvassed, even among the barristers themselves, and there exists little prejudice and no reason against the notice by a legal publication of the rise and progress of successful living advocates; nor is there any cause why their vigour or their weakness should be left unchronicled till the subjects themselves have passed to the tomb. Much of instruction may be gathered from a candid and impartial inquiry,—much may be discussed whilst yet there exist the means of alteration or correction,— much may be commended without any fair charge of flattery being sustainable. That a member has been successful is of itself a primâ facie evidence of professional as it is of other worth. That a man has risen to the head of his profession in the present day is at least a strong presumption that his worth and his talents are generally recognized. Moreover that a man without family ties or party connections,-with nothing but his ability and his zeal to recommend him,-should become under the Whigs the first law officer of the crown is confirmation strong of talents well applied. Not from his position alone then, but for the varied particulars of his career, we now select for notice and for comment her Majesty's Attorney-General, Sir Alexander James Edmund Cockburn.
In the year 1823, in his second year, Mr. Cockburn was a prizeman for the best exercises in English and Latin, and received the prize for English essays at Trinity Hall, Cambridge; in 1825 he was a fellow-commoner; he there attained the degree
of B.C.L.; and in 1829 became one of the fellows. In the same year he was called to the bar by the Society of the Middle Temple, choosing for his circuit the Western, and for his sessions the Devon. Of that society he is now a bencher.
Twenty years ago, junior barristers had as great a difficulty to be brought into notice at Westminster Hall as they have at this day; but sessions practice was then more abundant. The new law of settlement had not reduced parish appeals to a minimum. The sessions tried many cases which in practice have been more recently reserved for the assizes. Thus many juniors became well known at their district sessions, whose names even were never mentioned in the superior courts. The Devon sessions in particular had been famous for the strength of the bar, Follett himself having been the leader. It was a good school for men who were afterwards to rise; and we fancy that we see in the Attorney-General marks, not a few, of his western training.
Three years after his call, the Reform Bill passed, which completely altered the law, not only of the franchise, but as to the mode of ascertaining the right to vote; and the petitions, which followed the general election of the winter of that year, gave rise to a large number of new questions for the decision of the election committees, one of which alone occupied the attention of several. Had it been otherwise decided, and if the right of the committees of the House to inquire into the qualification of the voter had not been confined to the cases, which had been subject to the previous decision of the revising barrister at the revision courts, one of the most valuable changes made by the new law would have been rendered futile. The decisions of the election committees, subsequently to the reports of Messrs. Daniel and Corbett in 1821, had not been reported. The intermission had been "found to be productive of great inconvenience to the profession;" and Mr. Cockburn, in conjunction with another member of the western circuit, Mr. Rowe, now queen's counsel and recorder of Plymouth, undertook to begin a new series. In the preface they state that "they could have much wished to have followed the example of Mr. Douglas and Mr. Peckwell, in giving an introductory digest of the result and effect of the different decisions;" but the extent of the changes introduced by the new law, both in principle and practice, was so great, that no time was to be lost in publishing the most important points as they severally arose. Accordingly the volume was issued in parts, and we are left without that summary which the logical conciseness of one of the editors could well have supplied. Of the way in which these reports were composed,