4th. That the circulation of works of known repute and character
be sedulously attended to, particularly of such tracts, speeches,
&c. as being penned in a spirit of conciliation, while they carry
conviction to the mind, excite no feeling of anger or hostility.
5th. That the provincial Press be strictly attended to; and tempe-
rate discussion encouraged and paid for from the funds of the
Society.

6th. That each local Association be requested to assist in promoting
these objects, and to suggest such measures as may best conduce
to their attainment in their respective neighbourhoods.
7th. That when any communication shall be made to the Committee
or Secretary of the general Association, affecting the general in-
terests of the body, either by government, or by our friends in Par-
liament, the same shall be transmitted, with as little delay as
possible, to the Secretaries of the different local associations, with
whom a correspondence shall have previously taken place, with
a request that they would transmit the opinion of their respective
associations on the subject; unless the communication should
be of such a nature as to require an immediate answer, in which
case, the Secretary should transmit, together with the communi-
cation, the answer returned to it.

Your Committee conceives it to be hardly necessary, to enter farther into details subordinate arrangements will be readily made as circumstances may require them.

Your Committee would merely observe, that some benefit might arise were the President of each local society to be a member of the general Association, and the Secretary of the general Association to be an honorary member of each local Society.

In conclusion, your Committee begs to inculcate in the strongest terms, the absolute necessity of general harmony and mutual confidence; entreating you never to forget the self-evident truth, that want of union is loss of strength.

Your Committee recommends, that the Association assume no preeminence or control over local Societies, beyond what is obviously necessary for their mutual advantage and proper organization; and that all bear in mind the broad principle on which the general Association is formed: namely, on the right that every British subject ought to possess of following the dictates of his conscience, without the abridgment of his civil rights. You ask nothing for yourselves that you do not ask for all.-You have abjured every principle or tenet, that has been imputed to you as inconsistent with the duties you owe to the government under which you live.-You feel that the abridgment of your civil rights is uncalled for, and therefore unjust.-In your persons, the rights of British subjects are violated, and in the name of the constitution of your country, you call on your fellow subjects of every religious creed, to join with you in a common effort, to obtain the repeal of every law that militates against unrestricted liberty of religious worship-considering every such law as an act of injustice to society, and of impiety to God.

Moved by Mr. Kelly, seconded by Mr. Rosson, and Resolved

That the Rules and Regulations, with the Report now read by the Secretary, be approved, and that the same be printed for the use of the Association. The Secretary informed the meeting, that during the course of the last year, the following papers had been circulated, and tracts distributed.

consequently, at some future period, to think, we shall ultimately entail on that people every blessing which the christian, the philanthropist, or the Patriot, can deem desirable, I saw with satisfaction the numerous and respectable assemblage of my fellow townsmen, under the auspices of a nobleman of your Lordship's distinction and talents, for the advancement of so excellent an object In appeals made by successive speakers to the feelings of the Meeting, the popular topics of the oppressive and anti-scriptural domination of the Roman Catholic Priesthood, and the consequent ignorance and superstition of the lower orders which that Priesthood is said to foster, were strenuously insisted on.** Whilst the business of the meeting was in progress, the Roman Catholics present listened to these imputations in patient silence, but when the routine motions of the day were nearly disposed of, a Catholic Clergyman of exemplary character and considerable learning, by birth and educatiou a gentleman, accomplished as a scholar, peculiarly candid as a theologian, and, I verily believe, as zealous a friend to the religious instruction of the poor as any individual in the assembly, rose, not with an intention of offering the slightest opposition to the proceedings of the meeting, but of respectfully defending his brethren against accusations, which he believed to be unfounded. With this view, my Lord, he was about to address the chair, when your Lordship silenced him by observing that "No one could be permitted to speak except the Gentlemen appointed by the Committee." The Rev. Gentleman bowed and withdrew, followed by a few other respectable persons, I presume, of his own communion.

199

Taught from my childhood to detest every species of tyranny, civil
or religious, I am certainly any thing but an admirer of the Church
of Rome, many of whose distinguishing tenets I have long re-
garded as inveterately opposed to the best interests of man.
Perhaps the most dangerous characteristic of this Church, is her
alledged hostility to discussion, and intolerance of dissentient opini-
ons. My lord, with what mingled grief and shame must every
consistent and reflecting protestant have heard your lordship's
́interdiction this morning!
"That your lordship has acted on this occasion with a vigour be-
yond the law, is so obvious, that even an attempt to prove it seems
to require an apology. The object of the meeting held this morn-
ing, was not merely to listen to a report, but to receive, and if
approved, to pass certain resolutions. Now, to move a resolu-
tion, is to submit it to the consideration of those whom the mover
addresses, and any thing like property in the motion, ceases from
the instant in which it is made; but to submit a question to the
consideration of a meeting, and at the same time to forbid the
discussion of any member of it, (who conforms to the established
rules of debate) either of the question itself, or of the observa-
tions with which it has been introduced, is to do that which my
respect for your lordship prevents me from correctly designating.'
"I will not weary your lordship with any remarks on the absur-
dity and injustice of silencing an opponent by authority, or on
the injury which such conduct seldom fails to inflict on even the
best of causes; but as a senator, your lordship cannot be unac-

* I observed with pleasure, that several Movers of Resolutions adopted a very different Course: one gentleman in particular, distinctly though delicately, reproved the reflections alluded to, and, in his own speech, shewed how ably the interests of one class of persons may be contended for, without reproaching another.

66

quainted with the fearful excitement which at this moment agitates the minds of millions of your countrymen, and as a statesman you must be aware of the importance of conciliating that great and powerful body which you have this day publicly affronted in the person of one of its members, but without whose cooperation, neither the contributions of the liberal, nor the influence of your lordship, nor even the efforts of the pious and well intentioned will, I fear, ever prove availing."

Respectfully leaving the grounds on which your lordship, as a christian and a gentleman, may be disposed to defend the proceedings complained of, to your more mature consideration, I have the honour to be, my lord,

Birmingham, June 7th, 1824.

Your lordship's most obedient servant,
A PROTESTANT DISSENTER.

SPEECH OF THE REV. MR. M'DONNELL.

We have received the following from the Rev. T. M. M'Donnell, as the substance of the address which he intended to have spoken at the Meeting above mentioned.

MY LORD,

May I solicit the attention of your Lordship and that of the ladies and gentlemen here assembled, to some observations upon the proceedings of this day? When the Rev. Gentleman who moved the first resolution eulogised your Lordship's residence in the unfortunate country to which you belong, and held forth such residence as an example well worthy the imitation of other great landed proprietors, I cordially agreed with him; and when he and the other gentlemen who have followed him, bestowed their eloquent eulogiums on the objects of this institution, considered abstractedly, I also cordially agreed with them. Education, well directed, is perhaps the greatest advantage which one human being can confer upon another, and it is difficult to view without emotions of delight the zeal that appears on this occasion to animate this assembly; and if I differ from some of the speakers, in regard to several of their assertions, it is very far from my wish to malign their motives. On the contrary, if the assertions, which they have been instructed to make be correct, if those be really facts, which they have related as such, then the warmth with which they have commented upon those facts, and the warmth with which those comments have been received by this respectable audience, must be acknowledged to be not only justifiable, but highly commendable. My Lord, such warmth is the spontaneous emotion of a virtuous soul, which naturally kindles into indignation at the bare prospect of any outrage against morality, and still more of any impiety against God. On the other hand, if I impugn not their motives, if I regard what I consider their mistakes as, at the worst, but the effects of a virtuous credulity, I claim the same credit for myself; I claim that you give credit to my solemn assurance that I rise now with unfeigned reluctance, that I rise only in compliance with a solemn conviction that I owe it to that unfortunate country, which I am proud, even for its misfortunes, to call "the land of my forefathers;" I owe it to that exemplary body of men, of which I have the honour to be a member; I owe it to the important station which, as pastor to the Roman Catholic congregation of this town, I occupy, to endeavour to remove the erroneous impressions which the statements of two Rev. Gentlemen are calculated to make. These gentlemen, in advocating this charity, have thought it right, in no very measured language, to declaim against the religion, and the clergy of the religion of the Irish people. I will not dwell on the impolicy of such declamation, and its inconsis

1

tency with the avowed objects of this institution. But, allow me to ask, whence comes it that in this and all similar societies your principal object, to judge, not indeed by your professions, but by your conduct, seems to be to vilify the ancient religion of your country, and to excite and cherish hostility against those, whom so many hundred years of persecution, and degradation, and exclusion, have been unable to alienate from it? If the newspapers correctly report the proceedings in Parliament, you, my Lord, have added your name to those of others, who profess to avoid proselytism, though you somewhat inconsistently acknowledge that it is desirable to extend the light of the Reformation. If, however, proselytism be not your object, I am at a loss to conceive upon what grounds the abuse of the Roman Catholic religion so generally forms an essential topic in all your addresses.

I will proceed to animadvert more directly on those speeches to which I rise to reply. The reverend gentleman by the window, (Rev. Mr. Davis) has dealt too much in generals to render it necessary that I should detain you any long time in my answer to his observations. I will, however, make a proposal to him, which, as he is undoubtedly sincere in what he asserts, I am sure he will not decline. He has spoken largely and vehemently upon the pollutions and abominations of the Catholic Church, on her substitution of the Virgin Mary and the other saints, aye, even of an image of our Saviour, and of what he calls the blasphemous doctrine of human merit. Now, I publicly challenge* him to substantiate these charges or any others against the Catholic Church; and I as publicly declare, that if he succeed in such an attempt, here am I, whose glory it is to be at present a minister of that church, ready to abjure all its doctrines, and to persuade as many as I can to abjure them also. But if he should fail, he will then, I doubt not, agree with me in lamenting, that, after having witnessed the generosity and partaken of the hospitality of the Irish people, he should have repaid them by insulting, vilifying, and calumniating their religion.

I proceed to the speech of the reverend gentleman who moved the first resolution, (Mr. Spooner.) He, like the other reverend speaker, to whom I have shortly adverted, dealt largely in general accusation; he has brought forward some specific charges against the Irish Catholic Clergy. I will take the liberty of requesting for a short time, the attention of this meeting, while I endeavour to repel these charges. I will do so, my lord, by appealing to authorities of a more responsible nature than those adduced. The son of an Irish nobleman in one case, and the friend of a friend of the reverend gentleman in the other, form but an imaginary chain of evidence; but they are suflicient, however, to protect the Rev. Speaker from a very heavy charge of calumny, which must fall somewhere. On the strength of the information thus received, he has accused the Catholic Clergy of that country of a neglect of that first of a pastor's duties-the education of the children of his people. My Lord, you may as well accuse the protestant clergy in that country of neglect of that last of the pastor's duties--the collection of tythes. But to proceed: Connected as these accusations are with what is reported to have been uttered in either House of Parliament, they may be reduced to two: the first is, that the Catholic clergy neglect the education of the children and the second, that the books they put into the hands of the children, are of two sorts, that teach, the one immorality, the other impiety; and, therefore, as he justly concludes, it were better to bestow no education at all. The answer to these accusations is also of two kinds. In the first place, schools provided with such books as the reverend gentleman, on the authority of an Irish nobleman's son, and of a friend of a friend of his has instanced, must bring up their inmates, generally, in ignorance both of religion and morality. Now, you have in your power, a means of ascertaining effectually the truth on these two points, and that within a few minutes. Irishmen, banished from their own country by the oppressive system that prevails there, are to be found in every part of this. Now, let any gentleman of this assembly call from the streets the first poor

This challenge is here repeated.

jurisdiction, or pre-eminence whatsoever, within the realm of England.

"2. That the pope, or cardinals, or any body of men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, cannot absolve or dispense with his Majesty's subjects from their Oath of allegiance, upon any pretext whatsoever.

"3. That there is no principle in the tenets of the Catholic faith, by which Catholics are justified in not keeping faith with heretics, or other persons differing from them in religious opinions, in any transactions, either of a public or private nature.

"That some of them express perfect astonishment that such questions should be proposed to them by a nation that glories in her learning and discernment.

"That these answers were considered so satisfactory, that a Bill was in consequence brought into your honorable house, and was passed into a law, relieving your Roman Catholic fellow-subjects from many grievous and debasing penal statutes, in consideration of their taking a prescribed oath and declaration abjuring the tenets now imputed to them by the Rev. John Bell, and by the Society for promoting christian knowledge.

"That your petitioner has taken, in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster, the Oath and Declaration prescribed by the British parliament, of the 31st of his late Majesty.

"Your Petitioner begs leave to assure your Honourable House, that he is influenced by no vindictive feelings, nor does he ask for penal enactments to restrain his calumniators, that he respects the freedom of opinion too sincerely to desire it; that he merely represents to your Honourable House, that the obnoxious opinions imputed to him he has publicly disavowed; that the disavowal has been ratified by the solemn sanction of an oath, and accepted by the legislature of his country; and that he hopes he does not presume too far on the indulgence of your honorable House, in praying that you will in your justice, protect him by the expression of your strong displeasure, from the consequences of the conduct of persons who have so far forgotten what they owe to christian charity, to truth, and to justice, as in no measured terms to impute disloyal and anti-social principles to those who, by majorities of your Honourable House, have been declared worthy of being reinstated in the full enjoyment of their constitutional rights."

Moved by Mr. Butler, seconded by Mr. Eyston, and Resolved Unanimously,

That this Meeting request their Secretary to present to the Marquis of Lansdowne their thanks for his having brought into the House of Lords, the Bills restoring to them the elective Franchise, and many other blessings of the Constitution, and their sense of the zeal and ability displayed by His Lordship in advocating their

cause.

Resolved,

That the Secretary do at the same time, express to his Lordship their determination to persist in their endeavours to obtain the complete emancipation of the British Catholics, and their trust that in so doing, they shall have the powerful assistance of his Lordship, and the