which is ever mainly dependant on religion, nor produce that unlimited confidence between man and man which is the strongest foundation on which public welfare can repose, as well as the most certain pledge of a nation's prosperity. Withal Catholic Emancipation is a great public measure, and of itself not only would effect much, but open a passage to ulterior measures, which a provident Legislature could without difficulty effect.

The Union of the Churches, however, which you have had the singular merit of suggesting to the Commons of the United Kingdom, would together and at once effect a total change in the dispositions of men; it would bring all classes to co-operate zealously in promoting the prosperity of Ireland, and in securing her allegiance for ever to the British Throne. The question of emancipation would be swallowed up in the great inquiry, how Ireland could be enriched and strengthened, and in place of the Prime Minister devising arguments to screen an odious oppression, and reconcile an Insurrection Act of 25 years duration, with the Habeas Corpus Act and Magna Charta, we would find him receiving the plaudits of the Senate, the thanks of his Sovereign, and the blessings of millions, for the favours which he could so easily dispense.

have

This Union, on which so much depends, is not, as you justly observed, so difficult as it appears to many; and the present time is peculiarly well calculated for attempting, at least, to carry it into effect.

It is not difficult; for in the discussions which were held, and the correspondence which occurred on this subject early in the last century, as well that in which Archbishop Tillotson was engaged, as the others which were carried on between Bossuet and Leibnitz, it appeared that the points of agreement between the churches were numerous, those on which the parties hesitated few, and apparently not the most important. The effort which was then made, was not attended with success, but its failure was owing more to Princes than to Priests, more to State policy than to a difference of belief. But the same reasons which at that period disappointed the hopes of every good Christian in Europe would at present operate favourably. For what interest can England now have, which is

opposed to such a Union, and what nation or church in the Universe can have stronger motives for desiring it than Great Britain, if by it she could preserve her Church Establishment, perfect her internal policy, and secure her external dominion. The time is favourable; for the Government is powerful and at peace, the Pope is powerless and anxious to conciliate, the Irish Catholics are wearied and fatigued, exceedingly desirous of repose; the established religion is almost frittered away, and the Monarchy, a thing unprecedented in a Christian state, is left in one country with only the staff of the Church, to use an expression of Mr. Hume, and in the other with less than a moiety of the people attached to the hierarchy. Add to this the improvement of men's minds during the last century, the light and liberality which distinguish the present, the revival of Christian piety since the overthrow of the French Revolution, and the disposition of even religious disputants to conciliate and explain.

In Ireland, I am confident that, notwithstanding the ferment which now prevails, a proposition, such as you have made, if adopted by Government, would be heartily embraced. The Clergy of the Establishment are unpopular, and they feel it; they are without flocks, and every professional man wishes for employment; their property is attacked, and even endangered, for the State has touched it, and the people have no respect for it. The Dissenters have encroached on them; and the Catholic Clergy have despoiled them, in many places, of their flocks. The Catholic Laity, as I before mentioned, are tired of their degradation; they are wearied in pursuit of freedom; they love their country, and are anxious for repose. Their Clergy, without, I believe, an exception, would make every possible sacrifice to effect a union; I myself would most cheerfully, and without fee, pension, emolument, or hope, resign the office which I hold, if by doing so, I could in any way contribute to the union of my brethren and the happiness of my country.

are affected at if not blind to anxious to esta

The Proprietors and Capitalists in Ireland, the prospect which lies before them, and are, self-interest as well as dead to patriotism, blish peace and security amongst us. The Government has

purpose

of

no interest in preserving disunion, unless for the securing its power, and should it find an honorable and safe substitute for so detestable and precarious a system, it should be blind and besotted if it did not embrace it.

The King who rules over us is liberal, wise and enlightened, beyond any of his predecessors; and as he is the head of the State, so he has been foremost through life in bestowing his royal countenance and support on whatever could contribute to the honour of religion, to the good of his subjects, or to the glory of his reign. Whatever, then, time and circumstances can contribute to a great and good undertaking seems now to favour a project for the union of Christians too long divided. Had they been so favourable in the sixteenth century, the separation which has produced such numberless calamities, would certainly have been prevented.

It may not become so humble an individual as I am to hint even at a plan for effecting so great a purpose as the Union of Catholics and Protestants in one great family of Christians; but as the difficulty does not appear to me to be at all proportioned to the magnitude of the object to be attained, I would presume to state, that if Protestant and Catholics Divines of learning, and a conciliatory character, were summoned by the Crown, to ascertain the points of agreement and difference between the Churches, and that the result of their conferences were made the basis of a project to be treated on between the heads of the Church of Rome and of England, the result might be more favourable than at present would be anticipated.

The chief points to be discussed are, the Canon of the S, Scriptures, Faith, Justification, the Mass, the Sacraments, the Authority of Tradition, of Councils, of the Pope, the Celibacy of the Clergy, Language of the Liturgy, Invocation of Saints, respect for Images, Prayers for the Dead.

On most of these it appears to me that there is no essential difference between Catholics and Protestants; the existing diversity of opinion arises, in most cases, from certain forms of words which admit of satisfactory explanation, or from the ignorance or misconceptions which ancient prejudice and ill-will produce and strengthen, but which could be removed; they

their number should immediately be appointed to reply to it by the same channel which conveyed the accusation. Should such replies, either through the illiberality of the editor or other cause, be refused insertion, they should, without delay, be published in a small pamphlet or tract at as low a price as would merely defray the expense of publication. These the association should circulate to the utmost of its power. And lest at any time or place the sale should be inadequate to the expense of the publication, a small fund should be raised by every society, out of which the deficiency should be paid. This is the plan we would propose to meet the occasional attacks of our enemies but in order to remove the erroneous impressions already made upon the public mind by the perusal of works hostile to the Catholic religion, it will be necessary to support a press like that of Mr. Andrews', which would give to the public a refutation of all such works, and also re-publish the most able and approved works of controversy.

The adoption of this plan or one similar, is in our opinion, the only way in which the press can be GENERALLY and usefully employed in our defence. Because it is absolutely impossible for one committee, however able and efficient, to watch over the press in every town and city in the kingdom, and reply to all the charges which the intolerant, the bigot, the self-interested and the ignorant may think proper to bring against us. Besides, the necessity of prompt and immediate replies, and the still greater necessity of circulating the antidote in the same channel with the poison in order to prove effectual, convinces us, that by no other means than the establishment of local associations, with committees such as above mentioned, can the press be employed to advantage. Moreover, by the adoption of such a plan as this, you encourage Catholic talent by opening a field for the exercise of it; and perhaps, what is equally important, you remove that prejudice under which most Protestants labour, viz that Catholics generally are not only ignorant and incapable of defending the doctrines they believe, but also are inferior in intellectual qualifications to their Protestant brethren. We will conclude our remarks upon the exercise of the press, by giving it as our decided opinion, that the support of a Catholic press which would review and refute all anti-catholic publications now extant in their turn, is a very important part of the plan we have recommended.

To realize this or some such specific plan, it would only be necessary for your association to publish an address to the Catholic body at large, containing the particulars of the plan you wish to have adopted; and at the same time addressing private letters to each individual in the different places, as you had reason to believe would be instrumental in carrying your plan into effect.

Next, in order to forward the cause of emancipation, we submit to you the following suggestions: In the first place, we are of opinion that the establishment of a newspaper in the metropolis, published either once a week or three times in the week, as best suited to circumstances, would considerably forward the cause of emancipation. It would enable your association to direct the operations of the local associations before mentioned to the same object and at the same time; and in short, to use the words of your first resolution, it would "enable the British Catholics to co-operate to carry into effect such measures as might be deemed expedient to relieve them from all disabilities on account of their religion."

Secondly, to promote unanimity, which Mr. C. Butler at your meeting of the 5th of January last said, "ensured success to the weakest enterprises," we suggest the policy as well as propriety, of paying a becoming difference to the whole body, whose representatives you are, by submitting to their consideration every measure in which their interest is involved, and giving them an opportunity of communicating to you their opinions, which through the medium of the newspaper above alluded to could easily be done. Thus, besides securing the unanimity and co-operation of all, you could avail yourselves of the talent and experience, as well as the advice of the whole body.

Thirdly, as another means of securing the unanimity and co-operation of the whole body, beware of the rock upon which your unanimity was formerly shipwrecked; we mean the veto. Never enter into any of those arrangements which have for their object the enslavement of the priesthood, but let your petitions be

founded upon the broad and immovable basis of natural right, and even though unsuccessful, you will have the consolation of reflecting that, in your anxiety to obtain your civil rights, you have not sacrificed your conscience.

As fellow-sufferers in the same cause with yourselves, and also members of that body which your association has the honour of representing, we hope we will be excused in the liberty we have taken, and beg leave to assure you, that nothing but a sincere desire to promote the interests of the body generally, could have induced us thus to address you.

We will therefore conclude by assuring you, that in whatever manner, consistent with the spirit of this letter, you may think proper to call upon us, you shall ever find us ready, to the utmost of our power, to second your efforts. I remain, dear sir, in behalf of the association, Your obedient servant,

To Edward. Blount, Esq. Secretary to the

British Catholic Association

WM. M'GOWAN, secretary.

A fund adequate to the establishment of such a paper might, we think, be raised in the following manner: by shares of five pounds each being subscribed either by individuals or by the different associations, or by both. We think the shares should be as low as five pounds, that it might be more within the reach of individuals as well as weak associations to subscribe, and those who were able to afford more, could subscribe for as many shares as it might be thought proper to allow them to take.

The following is Mr. BLOUNT's answer to the above.

London, April 5, 1824. SIR,-Your letter of the 1st of March has not remained so long unanswered through inattention; a great pressure of business has been partly the cause; but I have been particularly desirous to await the result of the last appeal to the Catholic public, before I entered on subjects so closely connected with it. To the first of your letter, expressive of the regret experienced by your association, that more active measures have not been pursued since the general meeting of last June, at which hopes were held out of more entensive exertions, I beg leave to reply that the possibility of realizing the wishes of the speakers upon that occasion, was necessarily dependent on the support received from the body at large. Since that meeting, every possible step has been taken to awaken the Catholic public to the importance of the objects we have in view: circular letters, resolutions, personal appeals; every thing has been done to obtain adequate funds and the names of the Catholic gentry: the result has certainly not been such as we might have anticipated; our numbers are still comparatively few and our means are scanty. I do not still despair of seeing a better spirit display itself; but really we must advance with caution till we are better supported. In the mean time, I have reason to hope that a plan of general organization, by the means of local associations in union with the parent association in London, will be shortly proposed.

A considerable number of Catholic works and short tracts and addresses of known repute, are now printed for circulation in cheap forms, and I will send a portion to your association if you desire them and will send me the proper address and mode of conveyance. I am of opinion with your association that a weekly paper of our own would be very serviceable, properly conducted; and have little doubt, as this is the opinion of most Catholics, that a plan will be adopted to effect it. What we principally want, is the active co-operation of the body; and we shall be thankful to you for the names and address of any persons willing to assist in the distribution of works and circulars, and in the collection of subscriptions. Six weeks have now elapsed since some hundreds of letters were sent all round England, to which answers were particularly requested, and not twenty have been replied to. Such is the want of public feeling in England,

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

EDW. BLOUNT.