Itself in more danger of wanting money than of nists, just rescued from the French, would not losing liberty.

move to indignation, like that of the Scythians, who, returning from war, found themselves excluded from their own houses by their slaves. That corporations constituted by favour, and

It is difficult to judge with what intention such airy bursts of malevolence are vented; if such writers hope to deceive, let us rather repel them with scorn than refute them by dis-existing by sufferance, should dare to prohibit putation.

In this last terrific paragraph are two positions, that, if our fears do not overpower our reflection, may enable us to support life a little longer. We are told by these croakers of calamity, not only that our present ministers design to enslave us, but that the same malignity of purpose is to descend through all their successors, and that the wealth to be poured into England by the Pactolus of America, will, whenever it comes, be employed to purchase the remains of liberty.

Of those who now conduct the national af. fairs, we may, without much arrogance, presume to know more than themselves, and of those who shall succeed them, whether minister or king, not to know less.

commerce with their native country, and threat en individuals by infamy, and societies with at least suspension of amity, for daring to be mere obedient to government than themselves, is a degree of insolence which not only deserves to be punished, but of which the punishment is loudly demanded by the order of life, and the peace of nations.

Yet there have risen up, in the face of the public, men who, by whatever corruptions or whatever infatuation, have undertaken to defend the Americans, endeavour to shelter them from resentment, and propose reconciliation without submission.

As political diseases are naturally contagious, let it be supposed for a moment that Cornwall, seized with the Philadelphian frenzy, may re solve to separate itself from the general system of the English constitution, and judge of its own rights in its own parliament. A congress might then meet at Truro, and address the other counties in a style not unlike the language of the American patriots

The other position is, that "the Crown," if this laudable opposition should not be successful," will have the power of taxing America at pleasure." Surely they think rather too meanly of our apprehensions, when they suppose us not to know what they well know themselves, that they are taxed, like all other British subjects, by parliament; and that the Crown has not by the new imposts, whether right or wrong," WE, the delegates of the several towns and obtained any additional power over their pos- parishes of Cornwall, assembled to deliberate sessions.

It were a curious, but an idle, speculation to inquire, what effect these dictators of sedition expect from the dispersion of their Letter among us. If they believe their own complaints of hardship, and really dread the danger which they describe, they will naturally hope to communicate the same perceptions to their fellowsubjects. But probably in America, as in other places, the chiefs are incendiaries, that hope to rob in the tumults of a conflagration, and toss brands among a rabble passively combustible. Those who wrote the Address, though they have shown no great extent or profundity of mind, are yet probably wiser than to believe it: but they have been taught by some master of mischief, how to put in motion the engine of political electricity; to attract by the sounds of Liberty and Property, to repel by those of Popery and Slavery; and to give the great stroke by the name of Boston.

When subordinate communities oppose the decrees of the general legislature with defiance thus audacious, and malignity thus acrimonious, nothing remains but to conquer or to yield; to allow their claim of independence, or to reduce them by force to submission and allegiance.

It might be hoped that no Englishman could be found, whom the menaces of our own Colo

"FRIENDS AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS,

upon our own state and that of our constituents, having, after serious debate and calm consideration, settled the scheme of our future conduct, hold it necessary to declare the resolutions which we think ourselves entitled to form by the unalienable rights of reasonable Beings, and into which we have been compelled by griev ances and oppressions, long endured by us in patient silence, not because we did not feel, or could not remove them, but because we were unwilling to give disturbance to a settled goernment, and hoped that others would in time find, like ourselves, their true interest and their original powers, and all co-operate to universal happiness.

"But since having long indulged the pleas ing expectation, we find general discontent not likely to increase, or not likely to end in general defection, we resolve to erect alone the standard of liberty.

"Know then, that you are no longer to consider Cornwall as an English county, visited by English judges, receiving law from an English parliament, or including in any general taxation of the kingdom; but as a state distinct and independent, governed by its own institutions, administered by its own magistrates, and exempt from any tax or tribute but such as we shall impose upon ourselves.

be vain ta pròlit the we of the word mery: mefie muar. but fe porn. The co but I could win 't more dierently attered; it is out be much w k driven at one time hard into our ears by the list hurricane of Pennsylvanian eloquence, and at an ther gildes too noid into our hearts by the soft conveyance of a female patriet bewalling the miseries of her farcis sas fire-cont

5. has been the progress of sedition, that those w., a few years ago disputed only ser right of laying TUR, DOW Testion the vildty of every art of leg station. They mosider them selves as excipated from chefence, and as being no longer the subjects of the British crown. They leave as no canice but of yielding er conquering, of resigning our dominion, or maintaining it by farce.

From force, many endeavours have been used either to dissuade or to deter us. Sometimes the merit of the Americans is exalted, and sometimes their sufferings are aggravated. We are told of their contributions to the last war, a war incited by their outcries, and continued for their protection, a war by which none but themselves were gainers. All that they can boast is, that they did something for themselves, and did not wholly stand inactive while the sons of Britain were fighting in their cause.

If we cannot admire, we are called to pity them; to pity those that show no regard to their Mother-country; have obeyed no law which they could violate; have imparted no good which they could withhold; have entered into associations of fraud to rob their creditors; and into combinations to distress all who depended on their commerce. We are reproached with the cruelty of shutting one port, where every port is shut against us. We are censured as tyrannical for hindering those from fishing, who have condemned our merchants to bankruptcy, and our manufacturers to hunger.

Others persuade us to give them more liberty, to take off restraints, and relax authority and tell us what happy consequences will arise fram forbearance: how their affections will be coneiliated, and into what diffusions of beneficence their gratitude will luxuriate. They will love their friends. They will reverance their protect ors. They will throw themselves into our arms. and lay their property at our feet. They will buy from no other what we can sell them; they will sell to no other what we wish to buy.

That any obligations should overpower their attention to profit, we have known them long enough not to expect. It is not to be expected from a more liberal people. With what kindness they repay benefits, they are now showing us, who, as soon as we have delivered them from France, are defying and proscribing us.

But if we will permit them to tax themselves, they will give us more than we require. If we proclaim them independent, they will during pleasure pay us a subsidy. The contest is not

arity the colection étaï be made,
Thate was fad tin: ribe & meris
shown in my form that may raise im er
dress them in habei mms of tere, nëza
make us think them fornitasie. The Best
can call into the frit sigety throud na
Wale we conquer all beture is, we in
w

rise up bellad, and our work elke 21s to bug if we like poweswigs of the www the colonists will retire into the land g and the gain of victory will be on Test? Was and a wide extent of waste and intom I we sub-ine them for the prmet, they vá verully revolt in the next war and rengi without pier to schjection and destretas

To all this it may be answered frien losing America and resigning in there great diferere; that it is out very restantis to jump into the wen, beeruse the ship is baby Ail those evils may befall us, bt we need n hasten them.

The Dean of Gloucester has proposed, zi seems to propose it seriously, that we shoLit once release our claims, deciare them masen themselves, and whistle them down the wai His opinion is, that our gain from them wĩ Þ the same, and our expense less. To sat ther can have most cheaply from Britain, they stiil bay; what they can sell to us at the higher price, they will stul sell.

It is, however, a little hard. that having w lately fought and conquered for their safety, t should govern them no kager. By letting them loose before the war, how many mi have been saved. One wild proposi answered by anether. Let us restore to French what we have taken from them. shall see our colonists at our feet, when the have an enemy so near them. Let us give the Indians arms, and teach them discipline, and encourage them now and then to planter a plantation. Security and leisure are the paren of sedition.

While these different opinions are agitated, it seems to be determined by the legislature, that force shall be tried. Men of the pen have seldom any great skill in conquering kingdoms, but they have strong inclination to give advie I cannot forbear to wish, that this commotion may end without bloodshed, and that the rebels may be subdued by terror rather than by vislence; and therefore recommend such a force as may take away, not only the power, but the hope of resistance, and by conquering without a battle, save many from the sword.

If their obstinacy continues without actual hostilities, it may perhaps be mollified by turning out the soldiers to free quarters, forbidding any personal cruelty or hurt. It has been proposed, that the slaves should be set free, an act which

surely the lovers of liberty cannot but commend. If they are furnished with fire-arms for defence, and utensils for husbandry, and settled in some simple form of government within the country, they may be more grateful and honest than their

masters.

Far be it from any Englishman to thirst for the blood of his fellow-subjects. Those who most deserve our resentment, are unhappily at less distance. The Americans, when the Stamp Act was first proposed, undoubtedly disliked it, as every nation dislikes an impost; but they had no thought of resisting it, till they were encouraged and incited by European intelligence, from men whom they thought their friends, but who were friends only to themselves.

domineer as legislators, will sink into sober merchants and silent planters, peaceably diligent, and securely rich.

But there is one writer, and perhaps many who do not write, to whom the contraction of these pernicious privileges appears very dangerous, and who startle at the thoughts of England free and America in chains. Children fly from their own shadow, and rhetoricians are frighted by their own voices. Chains is undoubtedly a dreadful word; but perhaps the masters of civil wisdom may discover some gradations between chains and anarchy. Chains need not be put upon those who will be restrained without them. This contest may end in the softer phrase of English Superiority and American Obedience.

On the original contrivers of mischief let an We are told, that the subjection of Americans insulted nation pour out its vengeance. With may tend to the diminution of our own liberties; whatever design they have inflamed this perni- an event, which none but very perspicacious pocious contest, they are themselves equally de-liticians are able to foresee. If slavery be thus testable. If they wish success to the colonies, fatally contagious, how is it that we hear the they are traitors to this country; if they wish loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of their defeat, they are traitors at once to America negroes? and England. To them, and them only, must be imputed the interruption of commerce, and the miseries of war, the sorrow of those that shall be ruined, and the blood of those that shall fall. Since the Americans have made it necessary to subdue them, may they be subdued with the least injury possible to their persons and their possessions! When they are reduced to obedience, may that obedience be secured by stricter laws and stronger obligations!

We

But let us interrupt a while this dream of conquest, settlement, and supremacy. Let us remember that being to contend, according to one orator, with three millions of Whigs, and according to another, with ninety thousand patriots of Massachusett's Bay, we may possibly be checked in our career of reduction. may be reduced to peace upon equal terms, or driven from the western continent, and forbidden to violate a second time the happy borders Nothing can be more noxious to society, than of the land of liberty. The time is now perthat erroneous clemency, which, when a rebel-haps at hand, which Sir Thomas Browne prelion is suppressed, exacts no forfeiture and esta- dicted between jest and earnest, blishes no securities, but leaves the rebels in their former state. Who would not try the experiment which promises advantage without expense? If rebels once obtain a victory, their wishes are accomplished; if they are defeated, they suffer little, perhaps less than their conquerors; however often they play the game, the In the nean chance is always in their favour. time, they are growing rich by victualling the troops that we have sent against them, and perhaps gain more by the residence of the army than they lose by the obstruction of their port.

Their charters being now, I suppose, legally forfeited, may be modelled as shall appear most Thus the commodious to the Mother-country. privileges which are found by experience liable to misuse, will be taken away, and those who now bellow as patriots, bluster as soldiers, and

When America should no more send out her treasure,
But spend it at home in American pleasure.

If we are allowed upon our defeat to stipulate conditions, I hope the treaty of Boston will permit us to import into the confederated Cantons such products as they do not raise, and such manufactures as they do not make, and cannot buy cheaper from other nations, paying like others the appointed customs; that if an English ship salutes a fort with four guns, it shall be answered at least with two; and that if an Englishman be inclined to hold a plantation, he shall only take an oath of allegiance to the reigning powers, and be suffered, while be lives inoffensively, to retain his own opinion of English rights, unmolested in his conscience by an oath of abjuration.

A J JOURNEY

TO THE

WESTERN ISLANDS OF SCOTLAND.

employed a while on the different appearance that it would have made, if it had been placed st the same distance from London, with the same facility of approach; with what emulation of price a few rocky acres would have been purchased, and with what expensive industry they would have been cultivated and adorned.

I HAD desired to visit the Hebrides, or Western Islands of Scotland, so long, that I scarcely remember how the wish was originally excited; and was in the Autumn of the year 1773 induced to undertake the journey, by finding in Mr. Boswell a companion, whose acuteness would help my inquiry, and whose gayety of conversation and civility of manners are suffi- When we landed, we found our chaise ready, cient to counteract the inconveniences of travel, and passed through Kinghorn, Kirkaldy, and in countries less hospitable than we have passed. Cowpar, places not unlike the small or strag On the eighteenth of August we left Edin-gling market-towns in those parts of England burgh, a city too well known to admit descrip- where commerce and manufactures have not yet tion, and directed our course northward, along produced opulence. the eastern coast of Scotland, accompanied the first day by another gentleman, who could stay with us only long enough to show us how much we lost at separation.

Though we were yet in the most populous part of Scotland, and at so small a distance from the capital, we met few passengers.

The roads are neither rough nor dirty; and it As we crossed the Frith of Forth, our curiosity affords a southern stranger a new kind of pieswas attracted by Inch Keith, a small island, sure to travel so commodiously without interwhich neither of my companions had ever visited, ruption of tollgates. Where the bottom is rocky, though, lying within their view, it had all their as it seems commonly to be in Scotland, a lives solicited their notice. Here by climbing smooth way is made indeed with great labour, with some difficulty over shattered crags, we but it never wants repairs; and in those parts made the first experiment of unfrequented where adventitious materials are necessary, the coasts. Inch Keith is nothing more than a rock ground once consolidated is rarely broken: for covered with a thin layer of earth, not wholly the inland commerce is not great, nor are heavy bare of grass, and very fertile of thistles. A commodities often transported otherwise than small herd of cows grazes annually upon it in by water. The carriages in common use are the summer. It seems never to have afforded small carts, drawn each by one little horse; and to man or beast a permanent habitation. a man seems to derive some degree of dignity and importance from the reputation of possessing a two-horse cart.

We found only the ruins of a small fort, not so injured by time but that it might be easily restored to its former state. It seems never to bave been intended as a place of strength, nor was it built to endure a siege, but merely to afford cover to a few soldiers, who perhaps had the charge of a battery, or were stationed to give signals of approaching danger. There is therefore no provision of water within the walls, though the spring is so near, that it might have been easily enclosed. One of the stones had this inscription: "Maria Reg. 1564." It has probably been neglected from the time that the whole island had the same king.

ST. ANDREWS.

Ar an hour somewhat late we came to St. An drews, a city once archiepiscopal; where that university still subsists in which philosophy was formerly taught by Buchanan, whose name has as fair a claim to immortality as can be conferred by modern latinity, and perhaps a fairer than the instability of vernacular languages admits.

We found, that by the interposition of some invisible friend, lodgings had been provided for We left this little island with our thoughts us at the house of one of the professors, whose