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themselves entitled to the island, and injured by for Falkland's Island; they supposed that the Capta in Hunt, in their turn demanded satisfac- English, when they returned ejected from Port tion, which was refused ; and where is the Egmont, would find Wilkes invested with the wonder if their concessions were delayed! They protectorate; or see the Mayor of London, may tell us, that an independent nation is to be what the French have formerly seen their mayors influenced not by command, but by persuasion ; of the palace, the commander of the army and that if we expect our proposals to be received tutor of the king; that they would be called to without deliberation, we assume that sovereignty tell their tale before the Common Council; and which they do not grant us; and that if we arm that the world was to expect war or peace from while we are deliberating, we must indulge our a vote of the subscribers to tue Bill of Rights. martial ardour at our own charge.

But our enemies have now lost their hopes, The English ministry asked all that was rea- and our friends, I hope, are recovered from their sonable, and enforced all that they asked. Our fears. To fancy that our government can be national honour is advanced, and our interest, subverted by the rabble, whom its lenity has if any interest we have, is sufficiently secured. pampered into impudence, is to fear that a city There can be none amongst us to whom this may be drowned by the overflowing of its kentransaction does not seem happily concluded, nels. The distemper which cowardice or malice but those who, having fixed their hopes on pub- thought either decay of the vitals, or resolution lic calamities, sat like vultures waiting for a of the nerves, appears at last to have been noday of carnage. Having worn out all the arts thing more than a political phthiriasis, a disease too of domestic sedition, having wearied violence, loathsome for a plainer name; but the effect of and exhausted falsehood, they yet fattered negligence rather than of weakness, and of themselves with some assistance from the pride which the shame is greater than the danger. or malice of Spain; and when they could no Among the disturbers of our quiet are some longer make the people complain of grievances animals of greater bulk, whom their power of which they did not feel, they had the comfort roaring persuaded us to think formidable, but yet of knowing that real evils were possible, and we now perceive that sound and force do not their resolution is well known of charging all always go together. The noise of a savage evil on their governors.

proves nothing but his hunger. The reconciliation was therefore considered After all our broils, foreign and domestic, we as the loss of their last anchor; and received may at last hope to remain a while in quiet, not only with the fretfulness of disappointment, amused with the view of our own success. We but the rage of desperation. When they found have gained political strength by the increase of that all were happy in spite of their machina- our reputation; we have gained real strength tions, and the soft effulgence of peace shone out by the reparation of our navy; we have shown upon the nation, they felt no motion but that of Europe that ten years of war bave not yet exsullen envy; they could not, like Milton's prince bausted us; and we have enforced our settlement of hell, abstract themselves a moment from their on an island on which twenty years ago we durst evil; as they have not the wit of Satan, they not venture to look. have not his virtue; they tried once again what These are the gratifications only of honest could be done by sophistry without art, and minds; but there is a time in which bope comes confidence without credit. They represented to all. From the present happiness of the pubtheir sovereign as dishonoured, and their coun- lic, the patriots themselves may derive advantry as betrayed, or, in their fiercer paroxysms tage. To be harmless, though by impotence, of fury, reviled their sovereign as betraying it. obtains some degree of kindness : no man bates

Their pretences I have here endeavoured to a worm as he hates a viper ; they were once expose, by showing that more than has been dreaded enough to be detested, as serpents that yielded was not to be expected, that more per- could bite; they have now shown that they can haps was not to be desired, and that, if all had only hiss, and may therefore quietly slink into been refused, there had scarcely been an ade- holes, and change their slough unmolested and quate reason for war.

There was perhaps never much danger of war
or of refusal; but what danger there was, pro-
ceeded from the faction. Foreign nations, un-

acquainted with the insolence of Common Coun-
cils, and unaccustomed to the howl of plebeian ADDRESSED TO THE ELECTORS OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1774.
patriotism, when they heard of rabbles and riots,

They bawl for freedom in their senseless mood, of petitions and remonstrances, of discontent in Yet still revolt when truth should set them free; Surrey, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire, when they License they mean, when they cry liberty, saw the chain of subordination broken, and the For who loves that must first be wise and good. legislature threatened and defied, naturally imagined that such a government had little leisure To improve the golden moment of opportunity,


and catch the good that is within our reach, is species of disease; and they feel some part of the great art of life.' Many wants are suffered, what they express. But the greater, far the which might once bave been supplied; and greater, number of those who rave and rail, and much time is lost in regretting the time which inquire and accuse, neither respect, nor fear, had been lost before.

nor care for the publie; but hope to force their At the end of every seven years comes the Sa- way to riches by virulence and invective, and turnalian season, when the freemen of Great are vehement and clamorous, only that they may Eritain may please themselves with the choice of be sooner bired to be silent. their representatives. This happy day has now A man sometimes starts up a Patriot only by arrived, somewhat sooner than it could be disseminating discontent, and propagating to claimed.

ports of secret influence, of dangerous counsels, To select and depute those by whom laws are of violated rights, and encroaching usurpation. to be made, and taxes to be granted, is a high This practice is no certain note of patriotism. dignity, and an important trust: and it is the To instigate the populace with rage beyond the business of every elector to consider how this provocation, is to suspend public happiness, if dignity may be well sustained, and this trust not to destroy it. He is no lover of his connfaithfully discharged.

try, that unnecessarily disturbs its peace. fem It ought to be deeply impressed on the minds errors, and few faults of government, can justify of all who have voices in this national delibera- an appeal to the rabble; wbo ought not to tion, that no man can deserve a seat in parlia- judge of what they can not understand, and ment who is not a patriot. No other man will whose opinions are not propagated by reasoti, protect our rights, no other man can merit our but caught by contagion. confidence.

The fallaciousness of this note of patriotism A Patriot is he whose public conduct is re- is particularly apparent when the clamour congulated by one single motive, the love of his tinues after the evil is past. They who are still country; who, as an agent in parliament, has filling our ears with Mr. Wilkes and the Freefor himself neither hope nor fear, neither kind-holders of Middlesex, lament a grievance that ness nor resentment, but refers every thing to is now at at end. Mr. Wilkes may be choseth

, the common interest.

if any will choose him, and the precedent of his That of five hundred men, such as this de- exclusion makes not any honest, or any decent, generate age affords, a majority can be found man think himself in danger. thus virtuously abstracted, who will afhrm? It may be doubted whether the name of a Yet there is no good in despondence : vigilance Patriot can be fairly given as the reward of seand activity often effect more than was ex- cret satire, or open outrage. To fill the new pected. Let us take a Patriot where we can papers with sly hints of corruption and intrigue, meet him; and that we may not flatter our to circulate the Middlesex Journal, and London selves by false appearances, distinguish those Paquet, may, indeed, be zeal; but it may likemarks which are certain from those which may wise be interest and malice. To offer a petition

, deceive: for a man may have the external ap- not expected to be granted; to insult a king pearance of a Patriot, without the constituent with a rude remonstrance, only because there is qualities ; as false coins have often lustre, though no punishment for legal insolence, is not courthey want weight.

age, for there is no danger; nor patriotism, for Some claim a place in the list of Patriots by it tends to the subversion of order, and lets an acrimonious and unremitting opposition to wickedness loose upon the land, by destroying the court.

the reverence due to sovereign authority. This mark is by no means infallible. Patriot- It is the quality of patriotism to be jealous ism is not necessarily included in rebellion. A and watchful, to observe all secret machinations

, man may hate his king, yet not love his country. and to see public dangers at a distance. The He that has been refused a reasonable or unrea- true lover of bis country is ready to communisonable request, who thinks his merit under-cate his fears, and to sound the alarm, whenever rated, and sees his influence declining, begins he perceives the approach of mischief. But he soon to talk of natural equality, the absurdity of sounds no alarm, when there is no enemy: be many made for one, the original compact, the never terrifies his countrymen till he is terrified foundation of authority, and the majesty of the himself. The patriotism therefore may be justly people. As his political melancholy increases, doubted of him, who professes to be disturbed he tells, and perhaps dreams, of the advances of by incredibilities ; who tells, that the last peace the prerogative, and the dangers of arbitrary was obtained by bribing the Princess of Wales ; power ; yet his design in all his declamation that the king is grasping at arbitrary power; js not to benefit his country, but to gratify his and that because the French in the new commalice.

quests enjoy their own laws, there is a design These, bow ever, are the most honest of the at court of abolishing in England the trial by opponents of government; their patriotism is a juries.

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Still less does the true Patriot circulate opi. | Bigate, who have no hope but from mischier nions which he knows to be false. No man, and confusion ; let his love of the people be no who loves his country, fills the nation with cla- longer boasted. No man can reasonably be morous complaints, that the protestant religion thought a lover of his country, for roasting an is in danger, because popery is established in the ox, or burning a boot, or attending the meeting ertensive province of Quebec-a falsehood so open at Mile End, or registering his name in the and shameless, that it can need no confutation Lumber Troop. He may, among the drunkards, among those who know that of which it is al- be a hearty fellow, and among sober handicraftsmost impossible for the most unenlightened zea- men, a free-spoken gentleman ; but he must lot to be ignorant,

have some better distinction before he is a PaThat Quebec is on the other side of the At- triot. lantic, at too great a distance to do much good A Patriot is always ready to countenance the or harm to the European world :

just claims, and animate the reasonable hopes, That the inhabitants, being French, were al- of the people ; he reminds them frequently of ways papists, who are certainly more dangerous their rights, and stimulates them to resent en. as enemies, than as subjects:

croachments, and to multiply securities. That though the province be wide, the people But all this may be done in appearance, withare few, probably not so many as may be found out real patriotism. He that raises false hopes in one of the larger English counties :

to serve a present purpose, only makes a way That persecution is not more virtuous in a for disappointment and discontent. He who protestant than a papist; and that while we promises to endeavour, what he knows his enblame Lewis the Fourteenth for his dragoons deavours unable to effect, means only to delude and bis galleys, we ought, when power comes his followers by an empty clamour of ineffectual into our hands, to use it with greater equity : zeal.

That when Canada with its inhabitants was A true Patriot is no lavish promiser : he unyielded, the free enjoyment of their religion dertakes not to shorten parliaments; to repeal was stipulated; a condition, of which king laws; or to change the mode of representation, William, who was no propagator of popery, gave transmitted by our ancestors : he knows that an example nearer home, at the surrender of Li- futurity is not in his power, and that all times merick :

are not alike favourable to change. That in an age, where every mouth is open for

Much less does he make

vague and indefi. liberty of conscience, it is equitable to show some nite promise of obeying the mandates of his conregard to the conscience of a papist, who may stituents. He knows the prejudices of faction, be supposed, like other men, to think himself and the inconstancy of the multitude. He safest in his own religion; and that those, at would first inquire, how the opinion of his conJeast, who enjoy a toleration, ought not to de- stituents shall be taken. Popular instructions ny it to our new subjects.

are commonly the work, not of the wise and If liberty of conscience be a natural right, we steady, but the violent and rash; meetings held have no power to withhold it; if it be an indul- for directing representatives are seldom attendgence, it may be allowed to papists, while it is ed but by the idle and the dissolute; and he is not denied to other sects.

not without suspicion, that of his constituents, A Patriot is necessarily and invariably a lover as of other numbers of men, the smaller part of the people. But even this mark may some- may often be the wiser. times deceive us.

He considers himself as deputed to promote The people is a very heterogeneous and con- the public good, and to preserve his constitufused mass of the wealthy and the poor, the ents, with the rest of his countrymen, not only wise and the foolish, the good and the bad. from being hurt by others, but from hurting Before we confer on a man, who caresses the themselves. people, the title of Patriot, we must examine to The common marks of patriotism having what part of the people he directs his notice. been examined, and shown to be such as artifice It is proverbially said, that he wbo dissembles may counterfeit, or folly misapply, it cannot be his own character, may be known by that of his improper to consider, whether there are not companions. If the candidate of patriotism en- some characteristical modes of speaking or actdeavours to infuse right opinions into the high-ing, which may prove a man to be not a pair ranks, and by their influence to regulate the triot. bwer; if he consorts chiefly with the wise, the In this inquiry, perhaps, clearer evidence lemperate, the regular, and the virtuous, his may be discovered, and firmer persuasion at. love of the people may be rational and honest. tained; for it is commonly easier to know But if his first or principal application be to the what is wrong than what is right; to find indigent, who are always inflammable ; to the what we should avoid, than what we should weak, who are naturally suspicious; to the ig- pursue. norant, who are easily misled ; and to the pro- As war is one of the heaviest of pational

evils, a calamity in which every species of misery, therefore establish a mode and proportion of is involved; as it sets the general safety to ha- taxation. zard, suspends commerce, and desolates the But there are some who lament the state of country; as it exposes great numbers to hard- the poor Bostonians, because they cannot all be ships, dangers, captivity, and death; no man, supposed to have committed acts of rebellion, who desires the public prosperity, will inflame yet all are involved in the penalty imposed. general resentment by aggravating minute in

This, they say, is to violate the first rule of juries, or enforcing disputable rights of little justice, by condemping the innocent to suffer importance.

with the guilty. It may therefore be safely pronounced, that This deserves some potice, as it seems dictated those men are no Patriots, who, when the na- by equity and humanity, however it may raise tional honour was vindicated in the sight of Eu- contempt by the ignorance which it betrays of rope, and the Spaniards having invaded wbat the state of man, and the system of things. they call their own, had shrunk to a disavowal That the innocent should be confounded with of their attempt, and a relaxation of their claim, the guilty, is undoubtedly an evil; but it is an would still have instigated us to a war for a evil which no care or caution can prevent. Na bleak and barren spot in the Magellanic ocean, tional crimes require national punishments, of of which no use could be made, unless it were a which many must necessarily have their part, place of exile for the hypocrites of patriotism. who have not incurred them by personal guilt.

Yet let it not be forgotten, that, by the howl. If rebels should fortify a town, the cannon of ing violence of patriotic rage, the nation was for lawful authority will endanger equally the a time exasperated to such madness, that for a harmless burghers and the criminal garrison. barren rock, under a stormy sky, we might have In some cases, those suffer most who are now been fighting and dying, had not our com- least intended to be hurt. If the French, in petitors been wiser than ourselves; and those the late war, had taken an English city, and who are now courting the favour of the people permitted the natives to keep their dwellings, by noisy professions of public spirit, would, bow could it have been recovered, but by the while they were counting the profits of their ar- slaughter of our friends ? A bomb might as tifice, have enjoyed the patriotic pleasure of well destroy an Englishman as a Frenchman; hearing sometimes, that thousands had been and by famine we know that the inhabitants slaughtered in a battle, and sometimes that a would be the first that should perish. navy had been dispeopled by poisoned air aud This infliction of promiscuous evil may therecorrupted food.

fore be lamented, but cannot be blamed. The He that wishes to see his country robbed of power of lawful government must be mainits rights, cannot be a Patriot.

tained; and the miseries which rebellion proThat man therefore is no Patriot, who justifies duces can be charged only on the rebels. the ridiculous claims of American usurpation; That man, likewise, is not a Patriot, who who endeavours to deprive the nation of its na- denies his governors their due praise, and who tural and lawful authority over its own colo- conceals from the people the benefits which they nies; those colonies wbich were settled under receive. Those, therefore, can lay no claim to English protection; were constituted by an this illustrious appellation, who impute want of English charter; and have been defended by public spirit to the late parliament; an assemEnglish arms.

bly of men, whom, notwithstanding some fluctuTo suppose, that by sending out a colony, the ation of counsel, and some weakness of agency, natioa established an independent power; that the nation inust always remember with gratiwhen, by indulgence and favour, emigrants are tude, since it is indebted to them for a very ambecome rich, they shall not contribute to their ple concession in the resignation of protections, own defence, but at their own pleasure; and and a wise and honest attempt to improve the that they shall not be included, like millions of constitution, in the new judicature instituted their fellow-subjects, in the general systein of for the trial of elections. representation ; involves such an accumulation

The right of protection, which might be neof absurdity, as nothing but the show of patri- cessary when it was first claimed, and was very otism could palliate.

consistent with that liberality of immunities in He that accepts protection, stipulates obedi- which the feudal constitution delighted, was, by

We have always protected the Ameri- its nature, liable to abuse, and bad in reality cans; we may therefore subject them to govern- been sometimes misapplied, to the evasion of the

law, and the defeat of justice. The evil was The less is included in the greater. That perhaps not adequate to the clamour ; nor is it power which can take away life, may seize very certain, that the possible good of this priupon property. The parliament may enact for vilege was not inore than equal to the possible America a law of capital punishment; it may evil. It is, however, plain, that whether they




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save any thing or not to the public, they at least (insulting dignity, have gathered round them
lost something from themselves. They divested whatever the kingdom can supply of base, and
their dignity of a very splendid distinction, and gross, and profligate; and, raised by merit to this
showed that they were more willing than their bad eminence, arrogate to themselves the name
predecessors to stand on a level with their fe)- of PATRIOTS.
The new mode of trying elections, if it be

Curios found effectual, will diffuse its consequences further than seems yet to be foreseen. It is, I

TAXATION NO TYRANNY; det u believe, generally considered as advantageous only to those who claim seats in parliament;

AMERICAN CONGRESS, 1775. but, if to choose representatives be one of the most valuable rights of Englishmen, every voter In all the parts of human knowledge, whether must consider that law as adding to his hap- terminating in science merely speculative, or piness, which makes his suffrage efficacious ; operating upon life private or civil, are admitted since it was vain to choose, while the election some fundamental principles, or common axioms, could be controlled by any other power.

which being generally received are little doubt. With what imperious contempt of ancient ed, and being little doubted have been rarely rights, and what audaciousness of arbitrary au- proved. thority, former parliaments have judged the dis- Of these gratuitous and acknowledged truths putes about elections, it is not necessary to re- it is often the fate to become less evident by enlate. The claim of a candidate, and the right deavours to explain them, however necessary of electors, are said scarcely to have been, even such endeavours may be made by the misapprein appearance, referred to conscience; but to bensions of absurdity, or the sophistries of inbave been decided by party, by pass on, by pre- terest. It is difficult to prove the principles of judice, or by frolic. To have friends in the science; because notions cannot always be found borough was of little use to him who wanted more intelligible than those which are questionfriends in the house; a pretence was easily found ed. It is difficult to prove the principles of to evade a majority, and the seat was at last his, practice, because they have for the most part not that was chosen not by his electors, but his fel- been discovered by investigation, but obtruded low-senators.

by experience; and the demonstrator will find,
Thus the nation was insulted with a mock after an operose deduction, that he has been try-
election, and the parliament was filled with spu- ing to make that seen which can be only felt.
rious representatives; one of the most important Of this kind is the position, that “the supreme
claims, that of right to sit in the supreme council power of every community has the right of re-
of the kingdom, was debated in jest, and no man quiring from all its subjects, such contributions
could be confident of success from the justice as are necessary to the public safety or public
of his cause.

prosperity,” which was considered by all mari-
A disputed election is now tried with the same kind as comprising the primary and essential
scrupulousness and solemnity as any other title. condition of all political society, till it became
The candidate that has deserved well of his disputed by those zealots of anarchy, who have
neighbours, may now be certain of enjoying the denied to the parliament of Britain the right of
effect of their approbation; and the elector, who taxing the American Colonies.
has voted honestly for known merit, may be In favour of this exemption of the Americans
certain tbat he has not voted in vain.

from the authority of their lawful sovereign,
Such was the parliament, which some of those, and the dominion of their motber-country, very
who are now aspiring to sit in another, have loud clamours have been raised, and many wild
taught the rabble to consider as an unlawful assertions advanced, which by such as borrow
convention of men, worthless, venal, and pros- their opinions from the reigning fashion have
titate, slaves of the court and tyrants of the been admitted as arguments; and, what is

strange, though their tendency is to lessen Eng-
That the next House of Commons may act lish honour, and English power, have been
upon the principles of the last, with more con- heard by Englishrnen with a wish to find then
stancy and higher spirit, must be the wish of all true. Passion has in its first violence controlled
who wish well to the public; and it is surely interest, as the eddy for a while runs against the
not too much to expet that the nation will re- stream.
cover from its delusion, and unite in a general To be prejudiced is always to be weak; yet
abhorrence of those who, by deceiving the cre- there are prejudices so near to laudable, that
dulous with fictitious mischiefs, overbearing the they have been often praised, and are alway
weak by audacity of falsebood, by appealing to pardoned. To love their country has been con-
the judgment of ignorance, and flattering the sidered as virtue in men, whose love could not
vanity of mennness, by slandering honesty and be otherwise than blind, because their prefer-

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