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parliament in its legislation. That the claim of the British parliament to legislate for Ireland was useless to England, cruel to Ireland, and without any foundation in law; that, impressed with a high sense of the justice of the British character, and in reliance on his majesty's paternal care, they had set forth their right and sentiments without prescribing any mode to his majesty, and threw themselves on his royal wisdom." This motion he supported with a variety of arguments, urged in a manner that may make us wonder how they were resisted. It was seconded by Mr. Brownlow; but the attorney-general opposed it, and moved, that it should be put off till the 1st Aug. which was carried by 137 against 68.

The heads of the Roman Catholic bills occasioned much debating in their progress. One was entitled, an act for the further relief of his majesty's subjects of this kingdom professing the Roman Catholic religion; by the operation of which, catholics were enabled to take, hold, and dispose of, lands and hereditaments in the same manner as protestants, (except advowsons and manors, and boroughs returning members to parliament.) It removed also several penalties from such of the clergy as should have taken the oath of allegiance and been registered; and repealed several of the. most obnoxious parts of the acts passed in the reigns of Anne, Geo. I. and Geo. II. Among these obnoxious restraints thus repealed were the following, which may serve to convey some idea

of the cruel and rigourous nature of these anticatholic enactments. It repealed the power given to a magistrate to fine and imprison every papist refusing to appear, and declare upon oath when and where he had last heard mass, who celebrated and assisted at it, and the residence of any popish ecclesiastic; also that part which prohibited a papist to have a horse of the value of 51. under certain penalties, and which enabled the chief governor to seize all their horses upon any invasion or intestine war likely to happen; that which enabled the grand jury to present the reimbursing of all robberies and depredations of privateers, in time of war, upon the real and personal estates of the catholics within the county; that which subjected every catholic to certain penalties who did not provide a protestant watchman to watch inhis turn; and that which subjected to certain penalties every catholic who should take or purchase a house in Limerick or Galway, or the suburbs thereof. Such were a few of the ignominious restrictions which the enlightened government of England thought it necessary to impose, and which, even towards the close of the 18th century, found some defenders! The second bill of Mr. Gardiner was an act to allow persons professing the popish religion to teach schools in this kingdom, and for the regulating the education of papists; and also to repeal parts of certain laws relative to the guardianship of their children. Mr. Gardiner had a third bill, which was for

establishing intermarriages between protestants and Roman catholics; but that was negatived by a majority of eight. Although, however, these and some other bills did not receive the royal assent during the viceroyalty of Lard Carlisle, yet they may be considered as measures originating in bis administration, as did also some others, such as one for establishing a national bank in Ireland; and they were the last, for an important change in the councils of England was impending, one that in the event proved equally beneficial to Ireland and America. That ill-fated ministry, which had debilitated the resources of the empire, which had lost America, which had added a hundred millions to the national debt, and which had caused the loss of as many thousand lives, was now tottering to its fall, and soon lay prostrate.

A whig administration succeeded, with the Marquis of Rockingham at its head. Every thing now augured favourably for Ireland. A whig viceroy (the Duke of Portland) was appointed, and for his secretary Colonel Fitzpatrick, a gentleman who to very agreeable and excellent talents, added a most firm and manly mind. Though not born in Ireland, he was of truly ancient and illustrious Irish lineage, being descended from the Princess of Ossory*. This circumstance particularly, as

* The well known erudite antiquary Dr. Ledwich says, "the noble representative of the family of Fitzpatrick, the present Earl of Upper Ossory, (brother to Colonel Fitzpatrick,) possesses the advowson of particular churches and a large

well as his general political character, rendered him very acceptable to the people of this country. He preceded the arrival of the Duke of Portland in Ireland a few days, and was the bearer of the following letter to Lord Charlemont from the Marquis of Rockingham, which shall be inserted here, as well one from Charles James Fox, (who was appointed one of the secretaries of state,) as pleasing records of what were the intentions of those statesmen towards Ireland when they accepted of office. They may be read also with pleasure as epistolary compositions. The one from Lord Rockingham to Lord Charlemont was as follows:

66 MY DEAR LORD CHARLEMONT,

"The long and pleasing friendship which has so mutually and so cordially existed between your lordship and me for many, many years, may now, I trust, facilitate what I am sure has been the object of our public conduct the mutual advantage and prosperity of both these countries. National distrusts and jealousies will not have the smallest weight on either of our minds.

"The Duke of Portland, being appointed Lord-lieutenant of Ireland, is, I think, my dear lord, a pretty good pledge of the fair intentions.

estate in Upper Ossory; patrimonies descended to him through a line of progenitors for more than one thousand years-an instance not perhaps to be paralleled in Europe."

of his majesty's ministers. His grace's character and disposition of mind, as well as the principles on which he has long acted, are well known to your lordship; and I cannot but hope that many advantages will arise from a trust and confidence in his character which may produce the happiest effects both in the commencement and progress of such plans as may be suggested. I can assure your lordship, that his majesty's present ministers, will not loiter in a business of such magnitude. This day his majesty sends a message to the house of commons, stating that distrusts and jealousies have arisen in Ireland, and that it is highly necessary to take them into immediate consideration, in order to a final adjustment. The Duke of Portland will set out for Ireland to-morrow evening. His grace is empowered to send the same message to the parliament of Ireland. I should hope that an adjournment of the house of commons in Ireland, for a fortnight or three weeks, in order to give the Duke of Portland the opportunity of inquiring into the opinions of your lordship and of the gentlemen of the first weight and consequence, will be readily assented to. I cannot think, that it would be good policy in the house of commons of Ireland to carry on measures, at this juncture, which should appear as measures to extort. In truth, my dear lord, I think the time is come when a new system and new arrangement of connexion between the two kingdoms must be settled to the mutual satisfac

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