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fully-but where was the necessity of dispute have been brought forward, had an arguing it, or where the candor of urging it, amicable and speedy arrangement of our when Mr. Marcy knows that the British present differences been truly designed? Mr. Government has repeatedly expressed its Marcy's position is that the Bay Islands canwish to get rid of the Protectorate of these not belong to us as dependencies of Belize, Indians if the United States will enter into because Belize itself does not. In his view any decent and humane engagements to whoever succeeded Spain in her surrendered enable it to do so, and when, moreover, we sovereignty of Belize, we did not. some years since voluntarily resigned Grey- were, and are, mere wood-cutting settlers town, believed to form part of the Mosquito there, by virtue of agreements entered into territory, to the management and govern- in 1717, 1783, and 1786! The following are ment of the settlers therein. his words: "It cannot have escaped the The second point is as to the Bay Islands. attention of Her Majesty's Government that It is clear they are in possession of Great the political condition of Belize, as fixed by Britain and have been so for many years. It the treaty, is not itself one of territorial is equally clear that no other State has ever sovereignty. Therefore Great Britain never possessed or occupied them, though they lie could have acquired, in the right of Belize near the Republic of Honduras, and the and the assumed dependencies thereof, the United States Government claims them for territorial sovereignty of the Bay Islands." that undefined country. Now, even if these We have no doubt that this remarkable pasIslands ever formed part of Central America sage will have arrested the attention of our (which we deny), they are still ours, if our Ministers. We shall be glad to be assured interpretation of the Clayton-Bulwer con- that we have misinterpreted it. But, till vention be correct, since we possessed them better advised, we cannot help deeming it to before that convention was signed; there- mean and to say: "Concede the Bay Islands fore, contrary to Mr. Marcy's dictum, our and the Mosquito coast now; and as soon as position will be materially affected by the our next domestic crisis shall make a dispute decision of the arbitrator upon this inter- desirable, we shall call upon you to surrender pretation. If the American construction of Belize.' the disputed treaty be correct, it still remains to be shown that these Islands are not (as we maintain they are), "the small islands" expressly excepted from the operation of that treaty, as being "dependencies of Belize." And if the said treaty be abrogated, or had". crop of unsettled questions" which may never been made, it is certain we can have no controversy with the United States upon the subject, since, whoever be the rightful proprietors, the Government of Washington have no claim, and no title to interfere in the discussion. But the truth is that the Sovereignty of unsettled Islands lying near half-civilized and undefined States, seldom rests upon any wholly unexceptionable basis. Lord Clarendon felt this, and therefore at once and long since consented to refer the question of the ownership of these rocks to the decision of a fair umpire; but of course declined to surrender territory-ours by actual and long occupation and we believe by just right at the mere dogmatic sic volo sic jubeo of a foreign ruler, who yet feels at heart so doubtful as to the accuracy of his own construction that he dares not submit it to the opinion of an impartial mind.

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It is impossible to examine the excellent maps which have been put out this week by Mr. Wyld and Mr. Standford (which we have noticed in another portion of our Journal), without serious uneasiness at the vast

and must arise between some people out of the condition of the Central American States. Scarcely a single boundary line is settled. The frontier between Belize and Guatemala is entirely vague. Mexico claims a large slice of Guatemala, or at least of an unknown space lying between Guatemala and Belize, called Vera Paz. Honduras claims one part of Mosquitia, and Nicaragua another. Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Mosquitia all claim Greytown. Nicaragua claims an important piece of Costa Rica and Costa Rica performs the same ceremony on New Granada. Besides these various conflicting claims, various proposed compromises appear on the map to add to the mass of confusion and of danger. A really fair and friendly President at Washington, sincerely anxious to come to a settlement and avoid future disputes, might easily complete an understanding with our Government, which has no ambitious views and only desires an honorable adjustment. But when shall we have such a President? Will Mr. Buchanan prove such?

But it is to the third point of Mr. Marcy's argument that we wish specially to direct attention. He there, for the first time we believe in diplomatic history, raised a question as to our title to Belize itself. Certainly We hope most of our readers have seen a this is a strange peculiarity in instructions very temperate and able paper which apsupposed to be conciliatory, cordial, and peared in the Times of June 21, and which sincerely pacific. Could such a hint of future had ever appearance of proceeding from some

semi-official pen. We add the concluding equally ignominious and useless to attempt to csparagraphs:

cape from it."

From The Press (Tory), 28 June. AMERICA AND ENGLAND.

It would be strange if in this age of pro

"Such is the real state of the Central American question at this moment. If it is asked what interest we have in those rights we defend, and whether it is sufficient to induce us to go to war in support of them, it must frankly be admitted that our only great interest is the pre-gress in all knowledge conducive to the wellservation of our honor. Belize might be given being of man, some advance were not made up without seriously damaging our empire, and in the political science which concerns him the Bay Islands also. In protecting the Indians most of all. The statesman has need, from in Mosquitia we have no interest but that of time to time, to look at the results of expeacting with fidelity and humanity, and vindicat-rience, and to shape his policy not only by ing that national character of which we have the actual wants of his time, but with referboasted in every treaty we have made for sup-ence to principles which, whether springing pressing the slave trade. But honor, and a from social growth, or from discoveries in character for justice, and a tenacity of its just the art of government, have proved most rights constitute the best property of a nation. They cannot be resigned without degradation, beneficial in operation. and whether the loss of empire or the loss of anything else degrades a nation, it is a matter of indifference; the nation sinks that is degraded. Moreover, by a constant policy of concession a State nourishes a constant policy of aggression in other States. It would be better to concede at once everything that can be conceded than to concede such things gradually and bit by bit; for such a policy knows no peace. We cannot therefore concede to the United States what they cannot justly demand; and the spirit in which their demands have been made does anything

but invite such concession.

His at

We know how our American colonies were governed a hundred years ago. Their highest posts were a refuge for the needy hangerson or decayed footmen of great noblemen. There was no person so slow or base as might not hope to be appointed an American governor, if he happened to possess a patron in high station. Our colonies were considered as chiefly valuable for the patronage they conferred till Mr. Grenville, in an evil hour for his fame, conceived the idea that they might be made to contribute to the "What, then, can we do to end these trouble coffers of the State, as well as to the necessisome disputes one way or the other? To abro- ties of courtiers and statesmen. gate the treaty of 1850 would not, as some have tempt to shear the wolf has taught us some supposed, diminish-it would only increase our useful lessons. We do not think it wisdom difficulties; for previous to the treaty we had now to rule our colonies as if they were held pretensions more extensive and more vehemently for the sole benefit of the mother country. disputed by the United States than those which We do not want to keep them under; we the treaty left us. Our simple and straightfor- are not jealous of their prosperity; we do ward course is this:- To throw aside all past not attempt to derive any other advatage correspondence and make a friendly proposal to from them than must inevitably arise from the United States, consistent with all we have the mutual connection. hitherto done and stated, but as consistent as we ministration in North America has shown Lord Elgin's adcan make it with American interests. To be the perfection of which colonial government we should propose, first, to make the is capable. The secret of his success was town now called Greytown, at the mouth of the confidence in the people. He trusted them, river St. Juan, a free and independent town; secondly, to assign a legitimate extent of ter- and he was trusted by them in turn. Their ritory to the Mosquito Indians, and place them suspicions and animosities were at once disequally under our protection and that of the armed when they learned that his only aim United States; or, if the manner in which the was to accustom them to govern themselves, United States persist in viewing Indians is not and that he was anxious to afford the freest compatible with our own, let the United States scope to their progress in every possible point out any other mode of duly protecting manner. When the Home Government these Indians which does not grant any exclu- ceased to be regarded with distrust, it came sive rights or privileges to Great Britain. to be regarded with love. The policy of reThirdly, let us leave the real condition and posi-pression has been tried, and failed; the tion of the Bay Islands to arbitrators. Fourthly, let us declare that we do not extend our pos- has eminently succeeded. policy of development has been tried, and sessions in British Honduras beyond their limits in 1850, and claim from the United States a re- Is it certain that, if we had acted upon cognition of those possessions as they existed in this same policy towards the United States, 1850. A proposal of this kind would probably it would not have been attended with the like terminate the negotiations. If it did not, the results? To whatever cause it may be reUnited States must desire a quarrel with us; ferred, the Governments of the two countries and we must brave that quarrel, for it would be have never been cordially allied since the in

clear;

dependence of the Union was declared. when a Government appointed a Minister to fight There has been jealousy and perpetual fear for them an adverse battle with another negotiaof encroachment on one side and the other. tor, whose feelings were all enlisted on one side, Our statesmen have feared that the Union then it was fit to choose some person who had no would advance too rapidly, and become too private connection with the other party." powerful; and statesmen on the other side In this passage we have an indication of of the Atlantic have continually fretted un- the principle by which Lord Palmerston has der an apprehension that some plot was afoot been constantly guided in his intercourse to curb their power, and to prevent that ex- with the United States. He supposes that pansion which they felt as necessary to their the interests of the two countries are necesposition. Our hold of the Canadas was re-sarily adverse, and while he is fighting his garded with alarm, not on account of their battle, and exciting the alarm of the United probable industrial growth, but because it States' people, they press forward, and was conceived we retained them solely on either obtain the country in dispute by coloaccount of their military positions, and as nizing it, or seize upon some territory of a means of invasion at any moment. This more than commensurate advantage. It jealousy was the more natural and the more was shown at the time of this very debate, excusable, as the policy of the Republic that on the spot where Sir Howard Douglas was entirely adverse to the maintenance (then Governor of New Brunswick) had in of a large armed force of any description. 1828 arrested, tried, and imprisoned an It is time that these misunderstandings American citizen for encroachment, a United should cease - that the United States should States' fortress had been erected to receive a distinctly learn that we entertain no jealousy garrison of the State of Maine, Lord Palof their growth that we do not anticipate merston in the interval having the direction a contest with them, or wish to prepare for of our foreign affairs, and constantly fightit; but that, on the contrary, we regard ing a battle with the United States' Governtheir prosperity as our prosperity, and are ment. well assured that they cannot advance in Exactly the same kind of action is now any element of greatness without a corres- taking place in Central America. While ponding advance on the part of this country. Lords Palmerston and Clarendon are fightThe nearest approach to such policy on ing their battle, a band of States' adventurour part was during the last Administration ers have possessed themselves of the Governof Sir Robert Peel, when Lord Ashburton was sent to the United States to settle the long-disputed question of the Oregon boundary. No one doubts the wisdom of that treaty now. But what was Lord Palmerston's opinion of it in 1843? He brought forward a distinct motion against it, which was so coldly received by the House that a count-out on the second night of the debate was the result.

ment of Nicaragua. We are rapidly losing the advantages anticipated from the ClaytonBulwer Treaty, while ostentatiously making a display of a powerful armed force to convince our opponents that we mean to fight the battle in earnest.

Of all mischievous acts that the demon of discord could desire, none could be more mischievous than the re-inforcement of our West India fleet in the autumn of last year. The speech of Lord Palmerston was more Lord Clarendon's own account of this step remarkable than his motion. The latter was, that it was taken for the protection might be regarded as a party move, but in of British interests against any attack that the former he expressed his real sentiments. might be made upon them, and to be preHe treated the United States as the natural pared for events which they had done nothenemy of this country, and viewed the whole ing to provoke, and which they would still question at issue, not as matter for friendly do their utmost to avert." (Papers on Rearrangement, but as ground on which a bat-cruiting in the United States, p. 123.) Astle should be stoutly fought. Lord Ashbur-suming this explanation to have been correct, ton having the first move, did not make the most of his position. He gave up six or seven points at once, when he should have contested each one of them; and, strangely enough he protested against the fitness of the negotiator, on the ground of his social connection with the United States:

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"The noble lord was both a British subject and an American citizen. Were two countries to agree to choose a mediator between them, they might very properly select a person who had an almost equal affection for each, but

how could the measure be viewed otherwise than as a menace to the United States' Government? In that light it was regarded, and it led directly and immediately to a considerable vote for the augmentation of the United States' fleet.

The grounds on which the reinforcement was sent out. as the fitting out of Russian ships in the American ports, and the concoction of "a great conspiracy for promoting insurrection in Ireland." (Lord Clarendon's own words) were subsequently

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shown to have been utterly unfounded. But | Prince. I wish him so much prosperity and the mischief of the threat could not be un- happiness as may arise from the fact of finddone. It opened the eyes of the States' ing his throne, if he should come to ascend Government to the insecurity of its position, and it resolved on the formation of a powerful fleet, that it might be safe from such menaces in future.

From broils of this kind, leading to augmentations of force, we never shall be free, until a different policy is acted on, and the two Governments can feel perfect confidence in each other's amicable intent. When such relations are established, we shall hear no more of the Monroe doctrine. Free from all grounds of disquietude, the people of the United States will regard the apprehension of European hostility as a dream, and will be anxious to draw closer the ties which bind them to the Old World, instead of contemplating their severance.

We demand that our policy towards the United States shall be the same in character as our policy towards British North America; that it shall be friendly and frank; not adverse to the expansion of their power, not perpetually inventing checks and repressions, not fighting battles, even in diplomacy, not struggling to obtain petty and worthless advantages of position, but cordial and conciliatory. Let this policy be acted on for a few years, and the jealousies between the two countries will vanish as they have between this country and the Canadas. The pacific policy which is their interest is not less ours. A contest between the two countries might darken and desolate the world. England, like the United States, has a great future, though our path of empire lies in a different direction. We may roll back to the East the arts and industry which have partially left it. So vast and so various are our fields for extension, that the mind can conceive no limit to them. It is the province of the statesman to look beyond the present, and in idea to invest his country with immortal life. Not only is there no reason to suppose that England may not, for the next thousand years, be one of the great ruling powers of the world, but there is every reason to suppose that she will be so, should she discard from her policy that narrow notion which led so rapidly to the dissolution of the great empires of the ancient world that the progress of rival States affords ground for suspicion and challenges hostility.

From The Examiner.
PIEDMONT AND AUSTRIA.
TURIN, June 19th.

I SEE all the papers talking of the magnificence of the baptism of the French Imperial

it, founded upon the gratitude and adhesion of a free people. Four days ago I witnessed a much more simple ceremony, also a fete, and one in which only men of this gallant and interesting people joined. That day was appointed for the distribution of the military medals to the Sardinian army which had served in the Crimea, and their triumphal entrance into the capital after it. I was fortunate and unfortunate in having arrived to witness it, for every bed and every hotel was occupied. The facilities and cheapness of railroads is such in Piedmont, that the entire provincial population can rush to Turin for one day without inconvenience or expense, and at such time the Sardinian capital bears greater resemblance for its crowds to London or Paris, than to a merely Subalpine realm. That the Piedmontese are fine troops I need not tell you, but I might tell how enthusiastic was the reception by their countrymen, and how every heart beat with pride at the part which they had taken in the war.

The short speech of the King was apposite and spirited. He told the Crimean division that they had augmented the power and exalted the reputation of that part of Italy on which reposed the hopes and predilections of the liberal world. The Austrians may be angry with Cavour and with the King for making these allusions and speaking in this tone. But the truth is, they are under a necessity to do it. The minister holds his power, and the monarch commands the affections of his people, only by responding to the one great national desire.

Yet, however one may regard this general aspiration of the Piedmontese with admiration, the feeling is not unaccompanied by disquiet. It is impossible to look forward to Italy remaining in its present state, or to the Piedmontese being contented with their present power and frontiers, for any lengthened period. Constitutional government, there is no use in blinking the truth, is adored by the Piedmontese less for the freedom and the great boons which it gives, than for the future glory and greatness of which it seems the promise and the symbol. The establishment of the constitution, and the Cavour policy in becoming a party to the war, have necessitated large sacrifices, and brought with them very heavy taxation, paid not by a wealthy population as in England, but by a peasantry and a middle class. But every individual in this population has but one thought, and I can convey to you.no idea of its universality and force; it is hatred to Austria.

For myself, I must confess that I should league, failed too egregiously ever to be desire to see this sentiment, honorable and resuscitated; while Mazzini's idea of creatmanly as it is, less violent. Constitutional ing, with a word, a religion different from government in a country placed as Piedmont Catholicism, and in some respects an imis, cannot hope very quickly to effect such provement even upon Christianity, is equally aggrandizement of the country, and exten- exploded. It is not given to either the philossion of its influence, as may lead to the opher or the politician to create a popular dominion which is aimed at over Italy; and religion. It requires a peculiar mind and the Piedmontese, it is to be feared, may im- peculiar circumstances to do that, together peril the freedom they possess by making with an earnestness in these matters which their effort too precipitately. The whole does not at present exist in Italy. Politics, and country is in one vast and continued fever, not religion, are the order of the day there. so unlike their_neighbors and allies of I have expressed regret for the fever and Switzerland, or France, or England. The agitation which runs through the minds and Swiss are to the full as free; but material the very veins of the Subalpine people. But, interests alone occupy them. As to the in truth, Austria must bear the whole blame French, they have consoled themselves for for it. Were Austria to come forward, even their loss of freedom by a rage for making though still the champion of despotism, as fortunes. The Spaniards, when they has the promoter of material interest through tened to Mexico and Peru in the footsteps of this despotism; were she actively and sintheir first adventurers, were not bitten by a cerely to exert herself to ameliorate the govmore furious greed than the French. The ernments under her control, such as those thirst to faire les affaires has completely of Naples, Tuscany, and Parma; she might obliterated from their minds the desire to have some ultimate chance of safety against faire de la politique. the storm now gathering around her. But It is precisely the contrary with the Pied- Austria under its new Emperor is daily losing montese, who are still in the age of sentiment, the spirit of even enlightened despotism, and and who for the present will think, and only draws every day the bonds closer betalk, and do, nothing but politics. This, I tween it and the sacerdotal despotism of venture to think, is much to be regretted. ages påst. Instead of her attempting to It has been the ruin of the Greeks, a people reform and advance the government of Rome, with whom, both in ancient and modern Rome is forcing her daily to retrograde more times, the Piedmontese have certain great and more. The new regulations throughout resemblances of character and position. It Austria with respect to education are deploris but just to add, however, that the Pied-able. The attempt is made to suppress almontese are the superior people; for Greek together Protestant institutions in Hungary; sentiment is but fanaticism, while that of and the Lombards find themselves resubjected the Piedmontese is undoubtedly pure and to the priests, and what seems worse, to liberal patriotism. Austrian priests, after having enjoyed a reliAnd here let me observe upon the disap-giously tolerant government for a century.. pointment which some English express at It is this attitude taken by Austria, Protestantism having made such small prog- this policy adopted by her, of not merely ress in Piedmont since its emancipation. continuing her old despotism, but resuscitatThe truth is, the Piedmontese detest polemics. ing that of Philip the Second, which throws They have not the education or the taste for the Piedmontese into all the agitation and religious controversy, and their liberals are enthusiasm of an extreme antagonism to it. quite free from fanaticism of any kind. As to addressing notes to the wretched gov Every age has its dominant idea, and there ernments of Naples and of Rome, that is a was an age in Italy when religious creeds farce, when the government which reigns at and their differences would have been and Vienna, at Milan, at Florence, at Ancona, were everything. They are now nothing, and at Parma, is to the full as retrograde, There reigns throughout Piedmont a decided as stupid, and as anile as those of either hostility to the Pope, and a determination Naples or Rome itself. Count Buol is a to put down his hateful political influence; diplomatist, lost in foreign politics; and but no anti-Catholic or religious sentiment Bruck is an able man, and not illiberal in mingles with this, and all feel that to blend matters of trade and finance: but both are political with religious opposition to the utter strangers to the domestic government Popedom would only give a greater advan- of Austria, and of the countries which its tage to the Vatican. The Piedmontese are, armies occupy. The Government of Austria in fact, as little disposed to follow the coun- wants secularizing as much as that of Rome. sels of Gioberti, as those of Mazzini. The This is what the Piedmontese see plainly plan of the former to revive Guelphism, and enough, but what the rest of Europe seems make the Pope the head of a liberal Italian to forget.

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