316 THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION.

ment.

friendly relations with the American Govern- | hearty the satisfaction, at the announcement of the decision of Ministers not to suspend Mr. Disraeli, who seized the occasion to diplomatic relations with the American Govread both England and America a homily on ernment. It is a wise resolve, and does their respective pretensions, did his best to honor to the counsels of the country, unfasten upon our Government the blame of swayed by pique or passion. "To act by having incurred some humiliation in the dis-the rule of contraries," says Bacon," is to missal of Mr. Crampton. There is no doubt make another's folly the master of your Own that this feeling does exist in English society wisdom." Our Ministry has avoided this - chiefly, perhaps, among those classes who vulgar fault. It has not let another's wilare most elevated in rank and who stand fulness be master of its own wisdom. It will socially nearest to the Government. There not be the copyist of a bad course of action. is an apprehension that the success of the It holds its own path, keeping to the side of United States in turning out Mr. Crampton reason and right. Certain we are that the and making our Government submit will world will know how to appreciate this conincite President Pierce's countrymen to ex- duct, and that it will regard with respect the pressions of triumph offensive to this coun- forbearant, temperate bearing of a great try. But if we have incurred any disgrace power in the completest state of preparation through the dismissal of Mr. Crampton, it is for war, but not to be tempted by her sense our own doing: if we sent to that country of might to swerve from what she deems just a man who was unequal to his post-if, and prudent. There are some few hot spirits notwithstanding the first evidence of his un- that say the Americans will mistake this fitness, we persisted in retaining him there- conduct, and suppose that England quails. the humiliation is the direct penalty which We do not think so ill of any considerable we have brought upon ourselves by suffering and intelligent portion of the people of the our affairs to be so conducted; and we ought United States, but if so it were, our Governto draw profit out of punishment: if we ment is to shape its course according to its would spare ourselves these crosses for the views of fitness, and not to be deterred from future, we must take care to prevent them that line of action by apprehensions of vainby conducting our affairs better. glorious misjudgments. We are told to lay The position taken by Lord Palmerston our account with further demands and enhad the immediate effect of averting the at-croachments. We are content to wait for tack of the organized Opposition. Mr. Baillie them, and to deal with them when they had given notice of a motion casting censure come. It is indeed time that there should upon the Government for having drawn upon be an end of these differences with the people itself the humiliation; the motion was at with whom it is most important that we last fixed for Thursday; Mr. Baxter had should be on terms of perfect concord. As given notice of an amendment, expressing a yet it is too true that differences with the friendly feeling towards the United States, United States have only been surmounted to but taking the sting out of the original mo- open a view of new differences, Alps rising tion. As soon as Lord Palmerston had stated on Alps. Of this there must be an end; the course which Ministers intended to take, for endurance will be found to have bounds, the disappointment of the Opposition was if exactions have none. The remedy ought manifested in Mr. Disraeli's speech. If to be in the good sense of the American naMinisters had been hostile to America, he tion, but unfortunately, in their form of stood ready to opppose them, no doubt as the champion of commerce and friendly intercourse; but since friendly intercourse was not to be broken off, in sticking to the duty of opposing, he was obliged to attack America as much as Ministers. The position for his party became untenable, and Mr. Baillie's motion, first postponed, then softened to suit the change of affairs, was at last withdrawn from the Notice-paper.

From The Examiner, 21 June THE CONDUCT OF GOVERNMENT ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION. A FEW days ago we were rejoicing for the restoration of peace. How much more due are rejoicings for the preservation of peace. And much indeed has been the gratulation,

government, the people are powerless during the four years of the President's tenure of power. They cannot, as we can, arrest courses of conduct repugnant and alarming. They can only look on and murmur while the Government is doing acts pregnant with future mischief, and committing the country to embroilments, from which a change of Presidency, when the time comes, may not be able to relieve it.

We are sorry to see a disposition to turn the American question to factious account. As the differences have been pushed to extremity on the other side of the Atlantic for a party triumph, so on this a similar unworthy use appears likely to be made of them. Upon Lord Clarendon's announcement of the determination of the Govern

ment not to suspend diplomatic relations not necessarily any confession of error in not with the American Government, Lord Derby spoke as follows:

breaking off diplomatic relations with the
American Government because it has dis.
missed Mr. Crampton. Consistently with
this resolution, our Government is not bound
to admit the misconduct of Mr. Crampton,
but may, in effect, be understood to say to
the American Government, -
"Because you
dismiss our Envoy without reason, we will
not dismiss your Envoy without reason.
will not meet wrong with wrong, but wrong
with right."

We

"In the absence of the papers it would be extremely premature to enter into any discussion upon the subject; but I personally rejoice at the announcement which has been made by the noble earl. I rejoice for this reason, because, although I deeply regret the course pursued by the United States' Government, yet I believe that it is impossible for us to vindicate the steps taken, and the conduct pursued by our Minister, and those under whose authority he acted; and, believing that the United States' Government but which got into ridicule by its flagrant There was a phrase once very hacknied, have a just cause of complaint against us, I rejoice that her Majesty's Government by ac- misapplication that it is now never heard. quiescing in the withdrawal of Mr. Crampton The conduct of the Administration on the and the Consuls have sanctioned the opinion American question should revive it, and we that America has a just cause of complaint may now dare to speak of "the wisdom of against this country in this matter. At the Government." The question was not withpresent moment I will not ente into a discus-out difficulty; two opposite courses were sion of the merits of the cause. I rejoice, how-open, and for either there was a large followever, that we have acknowledged our error, ing, for either also a formidable opposition. although undoubtedly we have done so by sub- False pride pointed strongly to the one, mitting to that which I must say is humiliating suggesting the shame of suffering affront, on the part of this country to submit to namely, the removal by the authority of the the eyes of the world; arguments too often and lowering the dignity of the country in United States of the Minister of this country." accepted without question. Our GovernLord Derby does not thus rejoice at the ment has not been the dupe of these fancies. prospect of peace, he does not rejoice at It has seen no wisdom or dignity in the conCounsels tending to that blessed end, but he duct which bears a name as vulgar and little rejoices that his opponents are in fault and as its nature, the tit for tat. It has not inhave acknowledged their error. The infer-sisted on being desperately offended, and ence is obviously unfair, but if it were logical desperately unreasonable in consequence. and just, how little, how pitiful would be I am not sore where I am not sore," said the exultation at an opponent's humiliation, a great wit who did not think sensitiveness while there was so much reason for gladness a concomitant of strength. The dignity of at the improved prospect of peace. There England has no places sore to tenderness. should have been no room for a thought A great nation may well be above a small about party in a statesman's mind upon the affront, and let it pass as an idle thing. The occasion that moved Lord Derby to the declaration quoted. The interests of two great peoples, the interests of humanity, should have wholly filled his thoughts.

And if the resolution taken had implied (as it does not) a confession of error, how anxiously should any reference to that admission have been avoided. For the feeling should have been, here is a Government which, conscious of error, and knowing that a certain line of policy conducive to peace would be an acknowledgment of error, has nevertheless had the greatness and honesty to adopt the course which the interests of the country require, cost what it may to its own reputation in respect of antecedents. If such had been the fact, the fault, had it been ten times as great, would have been atoned for by the honest and wise conduct confessing it, and a just and generous mind would have seen nothing but the expiation. However honorable the case supposed might be to the Government, the inference upon which it rests is quite arbitrary. There is

course taken is approved by the good sense of the public, and if a Tit-for-Tat Party should arise, it will only make itself supremely ridiculous.

Much do we regret that Lord Derby has not upon the present great national question manifested the same spirit that so honorably marked his conduct throughout the Russian war. He won our respect in that contest by holding himself superior to party tactics, and keeping steadily in view the interests and honor of the country. If he knew how well he acts this lofty part, he never would stoop to any other.

From The Spectator, 21 June. THE AMERICAN PROPOSAL. THE effect of Mr. Marcy's dispatches, coupled with the reception of them by our Government, is, that the Military Recruiting question is closed, and the Central American question has a new starting-point.

But although the Recruiting question is closed, it is desirable to form a distinct con

ception of the position in which our repre- of that which he had stated in the American
sentative at Washington has been finally Legislature; but the point is not left to pro-
placed, in order that we may more clearly bability or to the denial of Mr. Clayton
understand the actual relation between the alone. His denial is confirmed by Mr. Crit-
two Governments. We intimated last week tenden, a man of the most unquestioned
a doubt whether Mr. Crampton had been character for probity, discretion, and correct
equal to the exigencies of his post, and the ness; it is also confirmed by Mr. Fish, an
evidence transmitted by the American Gov- hereditary landed proprietor, who belongs to
ernment goes far to confirm that doubt. It the highest aristocracy of the United States,
would appear from the papers which have and is considered to be of strong English
been published, that Mr. Crampton had ob- sympathies. It is difficult, therefore, to re-
tained a certain qualified sanction from Mr. ject the belief that Mr. Crampton has by
Marcy for the attempt at obtaining recruits some mistake been betrayed into a statement
within the territory of the United States; the reverse of the fact. Everybody, no
but Mr. Marcy affirms that our representative doubt, will be inclined to let bygones be by-
never reported to him those details upon gones so far as Mr. Crampton is personally
which the legality or illegality of the enter- concerned; but it is important to notice the
prise positively depended. There is great effect which this information is likely to
reason to doubt also, from the statements of have had upon our Government, who must
those papers, from Mr. Crampton's previous of course have modified their views respect-
letters, and from the language of our Minis- ing the probability of concessions on the
ters in Parliament, whether our representa- other side when they learned that Mr. Clay-
tive at Washington had reported to his own ton himself abandoned the American inter-
principals at home the measures that he had pretation of the treaty. The gossip which
really taken. They were of course speaking may be collected and transmitted in private
on his information when they affirmed that letters is of very questionable importance,
he had not broken the laws of the United but it is important that the representative
States, and that he had not personally taken whom a Government maintains resident in a
any part in the enlistment of recruits. But foreign country should not supply his chiefs
in these papers we find many accumulated with information positively calculated to
and mutually corroborating proofs that the mislead. By the removal of Mr. Crampton,
Consular officers in New York, Philadelphia, onc source of obscurity, and therefore of mis-
and Cincinnati, were the officers of enlist- understanding, respecting the question of
ment; that the Consular agents were in Central America, has been removed.
communication with Mr. Crampton; and
that the more immediate officers of the
Anglo-American Legion were in direct com-
munication with the British Minister at
Washington. The question of the enlistment
now closed, the American Government ex-
pressing itself quite satisfied with the explan-
ation of our Ministers, the only importance
of the new evidence presented consists in its
bearings on Mr. Crampton's general conduct.
It certainly exhibits a state of facts incom-
patible with the solemn assurances of our
Ministers in Parliament; and as we are to
presume that our Ministers were speaking
according to the information transmitted to
them by Mr. Crampton, we must suppose
that his reports were so incomplete, were so
much modified by reserves, as to mislead his
principals.

Mr. Marcy proposes that the matter of Central America shall be settled by direct negotiation between the English and American Governments; but he suggests that the disputed points which constitute the material difficulties in the case shall be referred to parties competent to decide them. The proposal differs in many respects from any previous plan of arbitration; and in order to understand on what footing the subject is now placed by this new proposal, the reader should remember how the question arose. Professedly, the United States claim no occupation or jurisdiction in any part of the territory in question; Great Britain also makes no pretention to interfering with the limits of the independent states of Central America, but claims the right of protecting the Mosquito Indians in the enjoyment of their The consideration has rather an important own land and independence, also the right bearing upon the past stages of the Central of occupying the tract on the coast of Central American negotiations, and therefore upon America called the Belize settlement. Both the new point of departure. Mr. Crampton these claims are based upon ancient usage had reported that Mr. Clayton had in private and past treaty-stipulations with Spain, expressed an opinion contrary to that of the ligatory upon the successors to the Spanish American Governmeat on the interpretation territory. Great Britain also claims the of the Bulwer-Clayton treaty. It did appear island of Ruatan, on the ground of a de facto improbable that Mr. Clayton should have occupation and colonization by British subexpressed an opinion entirely contradictory |jects, by whom it was treated in the first in

ob

stance as a dependancy of the settlement of | against the English view of the subject, the Belize. As between the United States and interpretation of the word "occupy" in the Great Britain there is no question excepting Clayton-Bulwer treaty would disappear. such questions as arise under the Clayton- Again, the English maintain a right to back Bulwer treaty, by which these powers were the Mosquito Indians even at St. Juan de reciprocally bound not to exercise on their Nicaragua the Americans insisting that own part any territorial jurisdiction, and not the Mosquito Indians have no right to be at to fortify or occupy any lands within the St. Juan de Nicaragua at all: if the referees tract to which the treaty referred. The were to decide that, on grounds of political United States Government accuses Great geography, the Mosquito Indians have a Britain of transgressing the limits assigned right to come down South so far as St. Juan, to it by that convention, first, in actually or on the other hand that they have no right colonizing the island of Ruatan, which, say to be in that town at all, the dispute between the United States, belongs to the republic the two Governments which turns upon that of Honduras and not to the settlement of point would surcease "cadit quæstio." Belize; and secondly, in making the protec torate of the Mosquito Indians the cover for exercising territorial jurisdiction and for interfering with the independent and neighboring state of Nicaragua.

Mr. Marcy proposes that the Governments

From The Press, 21 June.
THE VICTIM.

THE FOREIGN OFFICE. Present, Lords PAL-
MERSTON and CLARENDON. To them enter
Mr. CRAMPTON.

Lord Palmerston. Ah! Mr. Crampton, how do you do? Welcome to England. The tongue of report bath been heard in your favor, as the Freemasons say.

-

Mr. Crampton. Your Lordship is very kind. I hope Lord Clarendon is quite well? Lord Clarendon. Thank you, no great things; but what can you expect in this d-d climate, that changes five times a day?

Lord P.-Like to go out instead of Mr. Crampton, Clarendon? There's a chance for you! I dare say he is willing to take your place here. You don't snap at the proposal. Well, we must get you back to Spain one of these days.

Lord C.-I'll come and stay with you at that mansion by the Guadalquivir, where the Spanish paper says you are going to end your career, twangling the guitar. Unless you'd rather see me at any other of your chateaux en Espagne-you have had several?

of Great Britain and the United States shall settle the interpretation of the treaty and their reciprocal obligations between themselves; but he proposes to refer certain questions of fact to competent authorities. The rightful limits between the establishment of Belize and the State of Honduras, the extent of territory accurately designated by the term of " Mosquito coast," are points which Mr. Marcy would refer. The text of his despatch might also be taken to imply that the referees might consider the extent of territorial or occupatory rights existing in the Mosquito Indians; and he distinctly propounds the question whether the Bay Islands do or do not belong to the colony of Honduras. These are questions of political geography. He does not think it expedient for either party in the dispute to invite a judgment upon the whole question from any Powers of Europe, though that judgment would doubtless be impartial. He thinks it better that one or more men of science should be invited to decide the questions of fact in political geography-to clear up, in short, the doubts which exist as to these questions of fact. Although, therefore, the American Government does not propose a reference of the entire question, the plan would appear calculated to remove the material difficulties of a settlement. In other words, they propose to submit the questions of fact to the intellect and science of Europe, and questions of disputed authority to the spirit of fairness Mr. C.-I'll tell you what, my dear between the two Governments. Although Lord. I have studied the American character partial, it appears that such a reference with considerable assiduity and attention, might be quite sufficient. If, for example, and I have formed a deliberate opinion upon the referees should decide whether or not the it, which is final and conclusive. island of Ruatan belongs to the dependent Lord P. And what 's that? state of Honduras-whether their reply was Mr. C.. in the negative and against the American view of the subject, or in the affirmative and know.

Lord P. Quite smart this morning; it must be a pleasure to Mr. Crampton to hear such smartness. Well, Mr. Crampton, and how did you leave Jonathan?

Mr. C.-I calculate you are a nice lot, you Cabinet of Britishers, you are. Lord P. (laughing).-Very good, very good quite the nasal twang. You must sing" Bobbing Around" to us, by and bye. And Mr. Marcy, does, he send me no affectionate message?

That they are rum customers. Lord P. Well, that's something to But I say, Mr. Crampton

no