THE question as to the permanent and deliberate policy to be pursued by this country in its relation with the United States is far wider, graver, and more difficult than that which concerns the settlement of the present dispute between the two governments. That may be arranged in several ways, or may not be arranged at all. It may be compromised; it may be suffered to drop; it may be a matter for the continued interchange of hostile diplomatic notes; it may be fanned into an actual war by angry, indiscreet, or dishonest politicians; or it may issue in speedy hostilities, without any deliberate intention on the part of either government, in case any hot-headed naval commander or ill-meaning consul should proceed to some irrevocable action which their superiors may not choose to disavow, and which may arouse the fierce passions of one or other people.

United States will seek to extend their sway by process of absorption and annexation over the whole of Mexico and Central America, and to stretch their Republican Empire from Maine to the Isthmus of Panama. In contemplation of this prospect, what is to be the policy of Great Britain? Are we called upon to prevent this consummation? Could we prevent it? Ought we, in wisdom and in righteousness, to endeavor to prevent it?

It is no doubt painful to all just and generous minds to stand by and witness wrong and oppression inflicted by the strong upon the weak, to be spectators of highhanded iniquity, to permit and in a manner to connive at, spoilation and injustice, by not interposing to forbid them. The best instincts of our nature would, in private life, revolt against this acquiescent inaction. But as nations we must not be guided simply by our instinctive feelings, however amiable, generous, and powerful they may be; we must take into account a wide range of considerations; we must endeavor to ascertain what course of action is likely on the whole to be most conducive to good, and what policy, therefore, an enlightened sense of duty would lead us to adopt.

We

In this last possibility undoubtedly lies the real danger. Reckless and unscrupulous as we believe President Pierce and some, at least, of his cabinet to be, we acquit them Now, though nations must never perpetrate of being so mad or so wicked as designedly wrong, it by no means follows that they are to force on a war for their own party pur- bound, or would be wise or right, in all cases poses. They go so near the critical line of to interfere to prevent its perpetration. demarcation, because they fancy there is no Each case must stand upon its own merits. danger of stepping over it. If they had We are not charged with the general police of thought hostilities probable, they would the universe. We cannot undertake knighthave been far more shy of provoking them. errantry throughout the whole world. But their subordinates may easily go over may interpose to protect our immediate the precipice on the verge of which they have friends, or special allies, or close connections, been content to walk. They, as well as we, those to whom we are bound by affection, have ships of war on the Central American those to whom we are linked by interest. station with what instructions furnished without entailing upon ourselves the obligawe know not. Under these circumstances it tion to defend also the distant and the unis obvious that an intemperate or blundering related. We may properly enough take captain, on either side, may bring on a colli- up arms to resent one wrong or to beat sion, and the first shot fired may place the back one encroachment, yet with equal prodispute beyond the control of any minister. priety decline to punish analogous wrongs Therefore, though it is understood that the elsewhere, or to repel all similar encroachlast dispatches from the government at Wash-ments. We must do what we can- what ington have been couched in a tone which most concerns us-what lies within our gives greater hope than was expected of an amicable solution of our differences, we cannot but feel deep anxiety as to the result.

special power, our close cognizance, our easy reach. It is no accurate or cogent logic that would constrain us, because we have proBut we will suppose the matter settled for tected the weak and baffled the robber in the time without blows, either by a reference Europe and at home, to pursue the same of the dispute by arbitration or by an abro- course at the antipodes and in another hemigation of the unlucky treaty which has given sphere. To do so would be simply out of rise to such discrepant interpretations. The our power and beyond our scope. It is a main question to which we drew attention policy which we could not carry out, and last week will still, however, remain behind. which therefore we should not be wise and Sooner or later, slowly or rapidly, decently or brutally, on one pretext or another, with or without disguise, it is certain that the

are not called upon to undertake. In many cases we should not be able to pronounce a certain and authoritative judgment, and in

many more we should not be able to enforce their future will be nobler and grander? our sentence, or to enforce it without doing more harm than good. To announce that we disclaim the vocation of righting all wrongs and punishing all crimes all over the world, may possibly be an encouragement to the wrong- -doer but it is an encouragement which we cannot help affording.

Therefore, though we see clearly whither the aggressive and avaricious passions of the United States are leading them; though we hold their absorbing and annexing policy to be criminal and unchristian; though we are convinced that like all other crime it will entail its own certain and bitter penalty,yet we do not hesitate to say that it is not Again, we can have no interest in uphold for England to take upon herself either to ing the present wretched and feeble governaward or to inflict that penalty. On the ments of Spanish America. Our interest head of the guilty nation be the condemna- lies all the other way. We wish ourselves tion and the consequences of the guilt. We for no extension of territory on that concould not hinder the ultimate absorption by tinent. We are half inclined to regret that the Anglo-Saxon republicans of the whole we hold any possessions at all there south of Central-America if we would; and we are of the Union. Desiring no territory, we by no means certain that we would if we desire only prosperous, industrious, civilized, could. and wealthy customers.

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The dismissal of the British Ambassador from Washington by the United States Government, strong and even uncourteous as such a measure, taken by itself, unquestionably is, was still, it cannot be denied, a proceeding quite within the competence of a Sovereign Power which conceived itself aggrieved by his acts, and which had in vain requested his recall. Its natural sequence and reply would, no doubt, have been a corresponding proceeding on our part, viz., the dismissal of Mr. Dallas, and the cessation of all diplomatic intercourse with the country or the Administration which he represented. Such a course would have been quite in accordance with established precedent, quite warranted by circumstances, and quite exempt from just blame, had our Government decided to pursue it. But after mature consideration, and acting on the best judgment they could form on the aggregate of facts within their cognizance a cognizance not, perhaps, as complete and certain as could have been desired they determined to forego their strict right of retaliation, and to allow Mr. Dallas to remain. The reasons which guided them to this conclusion were, we apprehend, these.

pose it. The New England states and the the dismissal of Mr. Crampton by visiting free states generally are well aware that these their natural displeasure on the unoffending seizures and annexations towards the tropics American Minister at this Court, Mr. are done mainly in the interest of slavery, and Dallas; and Mr. Buchanan, the late Envoy, on that account they are vehemently hostile to has been selected by the Convention at Cinall such proceedings. If left to themselves, cinnati as the Democratic, and therefore and unirritated by foreign intervention, they probably the successful, candidate for the will take up the matter as one vitally affect- next Presidency. ing the great internal question of the Union; for they feel that their success or failure, their position, their preponderance, are the points really and immediately at issue: the absorption of Mexico and Central America renders the indefinite augmentation of the slave states not only possible but certain; and in the severance of the Union will the free states then be compelled to seek emancipation from the degrading connection and the indelible blot. A federation embracing such irreconcilable and diametrically opposed elements cannot be maintained when once a solution of the dividing question has been made hopeless by being postponed forever; and an empire reaching from Maine to Pafrom the tropics to the frozen ocean cannot be long bound in one chain or governed from one centre. The severance of the Union has long "loomed in the distance"-usually as a fear, latterly almost as a hope; the actual condition of the slavery question, evidently drawing to a crisis, indicates that the day for its realization is probably near at hand, if we do not mar the evolution of the problem by external opposition; and when the great Republic is split up into three, Europe and America will both be saved. The States, thus divided, will no In the first place, the uncourteous action longer be formidable externally; they will was accompanied with the most courteous mutually keep each other in order, and com- words. The President expresses himself perpress, control and civilize each other. Bound- fectly satisfied with the explanations and less tracts of unpeopled territory may for disclaimers of Her Majesty's Government on long years keep the West in a state of semi- the Recruitment question; states his strong barbarism, but their barbarism will no conviction that, had Lord Clarendon been longer be formidable to others. Unfettered fully aware of the real proceedings of our fields for slave labor may render slavery com- Ambassador or been in possession of all paratively permanent; but the slave re- the proofs of his alleged misconduct, he public will at least be homogeneous, will would have taken the same view of it as the display its own defects and bear its own President has done, and would not have burden and its own reproach. And the hesitated to recall the obnoxious Minister; North, liberated at length from the millstone and puts forward, as the most cogent motive round its neck and the cancer at its heart, for his dismissal, the consideration that his will rapidly improve in tone and character, unauthorized actions and misrepresenting and embody the civilization of Europe with despatches had done and were doing so much the youth and freshness of transatlantic towards impairing and endangering the amienergy. cable relations between the two countries. At the same time the President expresses his earnest hope that this unusual and extreme proceeding on his part will not be construed by Great Britain as an act of wilful discourtesy and offence, and, to intimate still further that his complaint is not against Great Britain, but against Mr. Crampton personally, he does not cease relations with

From The Economist (Ministerial), 21 June. THE RETENTION OF MR. DALLAS. SINCE we addressed our readers last week on the subject of our pending differences with America, two decisions have been taken, both of first-rate importance. Our Government have determined not to retaliate for

the Embassy, but allows the Secretary of Legation to continue at his post.

given reasonable ground of offence to the Government at Washington, their conduct in dismissing him would not have been altogether blameable, nor ours (had we, while in doubt, dismissed Mr. Dallas) wholly defensible and just.

the laws of the Union, or giving cause of offence to its Rulers, while recruiting on the other side of the water; we gave strict orders and we took vast pains to that effect. But it was all in vain. The thing was simply impossible. Mr. Marcy might have told us so from the beginning. It was, in fact, an attempt to do and not to do the same thing at once. As soon as we discovered this we abandoned the project. But it may well be that, in this endeavor to compass an impossibility, our agent may have given much annoyance and have overstepped the limits of the law. It may well be that, if he was zealous in the cause, he may have been longer than we were in perceiving that the difficulty was an impossibility, may have pushed matters too far, and may have persevered too long. At all events, our Government felt that as his dismissal arose out of the enlistment business, and as that business was in itself and from the outset a mistake and a misfortune, a quarrel so originating was one rather to be compromised and soothed than embittered or pushed home by pertinacious stubbornness or prompt retaliation.

Now, it is true that this courteous and conciliatory language is by no means in unison with that which was held by the President and some of his advisers at an earlier period of the dispute. It is true Further. It is plain now, and we have that even on a very recent occasion (the both in words and by actions distinctly admessage to the Senate on the acknowledg-mitted, that our endeavor to recruit volunment of the fillibustering Government of teers from the United States was a blunder. Nicaragua) Mr. Pierce went out of his way The conduct of the authorities there has been to use expressions both unbecoming and unquestionably culpable, but that does not offensive. It is true that the written and fully exonerate us. The truth obviously is, spoken words of Mr. Cushing and his Deputy- that we were advised by Mr. Crampton to Attorney-General on occasion of the trial of attempt, and authorized him to carry out, a Hertz were as gratuitously irritating and un-course which could not be pursued without seemly towards our Government as effort the certainty of getting into difficulties. We and ingenuity could render them, and that had the sincerest desire to avoid violating Mr. Cushing is still a member of Mr. Pierce's Cabinet and that his Deputy still retains his office. It is true that Lord Clarendon's explanation and apology-now received as ample and satisfactory is the same which six months ago was rejected by the President after having been accepted by Mr. Buchanan. Still the official despatch, on which we have to judge and act, is studiously civil and does what it can to smooth away the official deed; and it is not very easy, nor very dignified, nor very wise to take offence when offence is disclaimed, even when there may be reason to believe that offence is intended. Then, though it would not have been right for us to recall Mr. Crampton on the charge of having committed certain illegal and annoying actions, as long as we had no proof and no adequate presumption of his having really been guilty of those actions; yet neither would it have been proper to have so completely identified ourselves with him as we should have done had we dismissed Mr. Dallas, unless we were thoroughly satisfied that he had not been guilty of those actions. And considering the quantity of cumulative evidence and affidavits which Mr. Marcy forwarded to our Government by last mail in proof of Mr. Crampton's complicity and imprudence; considering that these documents, though they may not be convincing to us, may obviously enough have been convincing to the authorities at Washington; considering also that, on Monday last (when it was necessary to come to a decision on the matter), we had not been able to hear Mr. Crampton's rejoinder and defence, or to ascertain whether that defence was complete and satisfactory, it is clear that we could not positively say that Mr. Crampton had not been wrong, and yet only on that assumption would the dismissal of Mr. Dallas have been fully justified. If it should, on investigation, turn out that Mr. Crampton had acted imprudently and irritatingly, and had

Again, the cessation of diplomatic relations with a proud and excitable people even when done merely in retaliation especially such cessation at a moment when questions of great interest and significance are pending, is so decided a measure, and one calculated to create so much uneasiness and alarm in the commercial world, and one which might possibly though not necessarily entail such serious consequences, that it was felt that, if taken at all, it should be taken with the utmost universal concurrence of all political parties. It should not be done by the decision of a bare majority. It should not be the act of one Government, which a succeeding Government might dis sent from and reverse. It should be the deliberate and preponderating, if not the

but

unanimous expression of THE COUNTRY's will versy,we see not only that there may have and policy. Unless it were so, it would not been sufficient grounds for the pacific decision carry with it to America the moral weight at which our Government has arrived, which was desirable and which alone could that in all likelikood that decision was a render it influential and decisive. Now, it righteous and a wise one. The result will was obvious that it could not be this, nor show whether our forbearance will be apcould be made to appear this. It was no-preciated as it deserves, or misconstrued as torious that a large part of the community perhaps it may be. feared that a serious quarrel might arise out of the dispute if Mr. Dallas were sent home, From The Spectator, 21 June. and were not prepared to embark in a quarHAVING taken their time for reflection, rel of which the first seed was sown by a Ministers announced in both Houses of Parmistake on our part. It was notorious also liament, on Monday, the course which they that some leading politicans, little disposed intended to take on the receipt of the last in general to submit to insult or dictation, communications from the United States. Lord were by no means satisfied that our Minister Palmerston endeavored to give to these deat Washington had not given just ground of clarations an appearance of spontaneity: complaint, and were little inclined to prose-"If no Member had expressed a wish to hear cute a dispute where there was any flaw in an explanation from the Government," he our claim or any weak point in our position. said, Ministers could not have allowed a Unhappily also, and to the great discredit day to pass without putting the House in of our public men, it was well known that possession of their intentions on the subject." there were a few-not perhaps much res- The American Government had intimated, pected or very influential, but still ripe and that though it thought fit to discontinue relapowerful for mischief. who would not have tions with Mr. Crampton, in consequence of scrupled to embrace and argue in open which he had left Washington, that GovernSenate the cause of America, if by so doing ment did not intend to go to the extent of a rupthey saw a chance of annoying, damaging, ture of diplomatic relations with this country. or displacing their political antagonists. Ministers, then," considering the question Under these circumstances it might naturally in all its bearings, have not deemed it their be deemed wiser to acquiesce in a rude and duty to advise her Majesty to suspend diploharsh proceeding rather than resent it with matic intercourse with the American Minister divided councils in the Senate and hesitating at this court." feelings in the country.

Lord John Russell stated precedents, When to these considerations were added the dismissal of M. Poussin the French Amthe further ones, that the conduct of the bassador in America in Louis Philippe's day, Government at Washington was condemned and of Mr. Jackson the British Minister in by many of the best and soberest men of their America in 1809; steps which neither the own country both in the Senate and in Government of England nor of France retaliprivate life; that that Government had only ated. These precedents no doubt should have a short remaining tenure of office, and might had weight with our Government, on merely probably be succeeded by more moderate, technical grounds; but still more in supplymore decorous, and more just men; that by ing for the action of the United States a deexaggerating the dispute into a quarrel we finitive warrant which must have induced the might be playing their game and aiding their Government at Washington to believe that it sinister designs and staving off for their could take the course of dimissing a disagreebenefit an internal crisis which must come able or troublesome Minister without necessooner or later, and which seems fast hasten-sarily interrupting friendly relations. ing to a dénouement; that we cannot expect But we suspect that among the " confrom the American people the amenities or siderations" with Lord Palmerston confesdecorums of language and proceeding which sedly took into view, the very fact of Lord prevail in the intercourse of more settled John Russell's rendering himself the organ States; and that this sending away of objec- for expressing the general public opinion tionable or unacceptable foreign ministers upon the dismissal of Mr. Crampton and the appears to have been by no means an un- continuance of Mr. Dallas, exercised a still common practice among the Americans, and stronger influence on the Cabinet than the to have been usually passed over by other precedents, or the political consequences of States as a breach of manners pardonable retaliation. Lord John Russell was cheered enough, perhaps, in rough Repulicans; when he said that England and America and finally, when it was noticed that an have great duties to perform, which they opening seemed to be offered, by the published must not sacrifice by mutual conflict; and instructions to Mr. Dallas, for an accom- Lord Palmerston was cheered when he anmodation of the Central American contro- nounced that he did not intend to break off